Eil Þdr 13^III

Dreif ‘rushed’

(not checked:)
2. drífa (verb; °drífr; dreif, drifu; drifinn): drive, rush

notes

[1] dreif ‘rushed’: For drífa in the meaning ‘go away, move on’, see Fritzner: drífa 6.

fyr ‘because of’

(not checked:)
fyr (prep.): for, over, because of, etc.

[1] fyr: með all

notes

[1] fyr ‘because of’: All mss read með ‘with’, but that makes no sense in the context, because the giants are not fleeing with Þórr, but from him (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 391; Skj B; NN §458; Reichardt 1948, 367). Therefore all eds except Kiil (1956, 135) and Davidson (1983, 617-18) emend með (all mss.) to fyr.

dróttar ‘of the host’

(not checked:)
1. drótt (noun f.): troop

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

dróttar ‘of the host’

(not checked:)
1. drótt (noun f.): troop

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

kneyfi ‘the oppressor’

(not checked:)
kneyfir (noun m.)

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

dolg ‘of the hostile’

(not checked:)
dolg (noun n.): battle, enemy < dolgsvíþjóð (noun f.)

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

dolg ‘of the hostile’

(not checked:)
dolg (noun n.): battle, enemy < dolgsvíþjóð (noun f.)

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

dolg ‘of the hostile’

(not checked:)
dolg (noun n.): battle, enemy < dolgsvíþjóð (noun f.)

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

Svíþjóðar ‘Sweden’

(not checked:)
Svíþjóð (noun f.): [Sweden] < dolgsvíþjóð (noun f.)

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

Svíþjóðar ‘Sweden’

(not checked:)
Svíþjóð (noun f.): [Sweden] < dolgsvíþjóð (noun f.)

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

Svíþjóðar ‘Sweden’

(not checked:)
Svíþjóð (noun f.): [Sweden] < dolgsvíþjóð (noun f.)

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

kolgu ‘of the cold wave’

(not checked:)
kolga (noun f.): breaker, wave

[2] kolgu: so Tˣ, W, kolga R

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

kolgu ‘of the cold wave’

(not checked:)
kolga (noun f.): breaker, wave

[2] kolgu: so Tˣ, W, kolga R

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

kolgu ‘of the cold wave’

(not checked:)
kolga (noun f.): breaker, wave

[2] kolgu: so Tˣ, W, kolga R

kennings

notes

[1-2] kneyfi dróttar kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘the oppressor of the host of the wave of the hostile Sweden [= Gandvík > GIANTS > = Þórr]’: Line 2 must contain a determinant for dróttar ‘of the host’ (l. 1) to form a kenning that refers to a giant of whom Þórr can be the oppressor (kneyfir). To avoid construing a kenning in which dolg ‘enemy’ (l. 2) is connected with ferð ‘troop’ (l. 3) to form a cpd (tmesis) (so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 14; Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392), dolg could be taken as the first element of a cpd with Svíþjóðar as the second element (so NN §458; Davidson 1983, 618). Dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the hostile Sweden’ is then a variation on ‘enemy land’, which needs another determinant, namely, kolgu ‘of the wave’. Kolgu dolg-Svíþjóðar ‘of the cold wave of the hostile Sweden’ can be interpreted as a kenning for Gandvík, the White Sea (see Note to st. 2/6). Thus the giant-kenning ‘the host of the White Sea’ corresponds to the giant-kenning ‘the Scots of Gandvík’ in st. 2. According to Kock (NN §458) the kenning kolga dolg-Svíþjóðar refers to the river Þórr has to cross. Reichardt (1948, 368) forms the cpd dolg-kolgu (l. 2) and construes dróttar Svíþjóðar dolg-kolgu ‘the host of the land of the hostile wave’. This solution also seems acceptable, although it contains tmesis (but within the same line).

sótti ‘took’

(not checked:)
sœkja (verb): seek, attack

ferð ‘the troop’

(not checked:)
ferð (noun f.; °-ar; -ir/-arMork 196¹²)): host, journey

kennings

notes

[3, 4] ferð nesja ‘the troop of headlands [GIANTS]’: Here, too, cliffs and islands of a coastal landscape serve as the determinant in a giant-kenning (see Notes to st. 12/6 and ll. 6, 8 below).

á ‘to’

(not checked:)
3. á (prep.): on, at

flótta ‘flight’

(not checked:)
flótti (noun m.): flight, fleeing

fles ‘The skerry’

(not checked:)
fles (noun f.; °; -jar): [skerry, skerries] < flesdrótt (noun f.)

kennings

notes

[4] flesdrótt ‘the skerry-host [GIANTS]’: This kenning is a variation on the giant-kenning ‘people of the rocks’.

drótt ‘host’

(not checked:)
1. drótt (noun f.): troop < flesdrótt (noun f.)

kennings

notes

[4] flesdrótt ‘the skerry-host [GIANTS]’: This kenning is a variation on the giant-kenning ‘people of the rocks’.

í ‘into’

(not checked:)
í (prep.): in, into

[4] í vô: ‘iue’ Tˣ

vô ‘disaster’

(not checked:)
1. vá (noun f.; °vár): woe, harm

[4] í vô: ‘iue’ Tˣ

nesja ‘of headlands’

(not checked:)
nes (noun n.; °-s; -, gen. -ja): headland

kennings

notes

[3, 4] ferð nesja ‘the troop of headlands [GIANTS]’: Here, too, cliffs and islands of a coastal landscape serve as the determinant in a giant-kenning (see Notes to st. 12/6 and ll. 6, 8 below).

þás ‘when’

(not checked:)
þás (conj.): when

fun ‘of the flame’

(not checked:)
funi (noun m.): fire < funristir (noun m.)

kennings

notes

[5, 7] Jólnis funhristis ættir ‘the group of the shaker of the flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn> [(lit. ‘group of the flame-shaker of Jólnir’) SWORD > WARRIOR > WARRIORS = Þórr and Þjálfi]’: Here again, a kenning for ‘warriors’ is used for Þórr and Þjálfi (see Marold 1990a, 122-8 and Introduction above). The warrior is described as ‘shaker of the sword’ and the sword is called ‘flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn>’. For the emendation funhristis see below. Ætt is not only a term for ‘family, kin’ but is often used as a general term for ‘group’ (LP: ætt 2), and together with the gen. it functions as a paraphrase here (‘the group of the warrior’ are ‘warriors’). That ætt is used in pl. can be explained by the fact that occasionally the pl. of a word is used for the sg. for metrical reasons; here the sg. is ætt, but the cadence requires two syllables (hence ættir rather than ætt). Finnur Jónsson (1900b, 391; Skj B and LP: funristis) and Reichardt (1948, 369) could not explain mss’ ‘funristis’ (R, Tˣ) or ‘funristil’ (W), but Kock (NN §459, followed by Davidson 1983, 620) suggests emendation to funhristis ‘flame-thrower’, which he then combines with fasta ‘of lightning’ to get a Þórr-kenning. As Reichardt (1948, 369) rightly observes, however, fasti and fun are synonyms; hence fasti cannot determine fun.

fun ‘of the flame’

(not checked:)
funi (noun m.): fire < funristir (noun m.)

kennings

notes

[5, 7] Jólnis funhristis ættir ‘the group of the shaker of the flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn> [(lit. ‘group of the flame-shaker of Jólnir’) SWORD > WARRIOR > WARRIORS = Þórr and Þjálfi]’: Here again, a kenning for ‘warriors’ is used for Þórr and Þjálfi (see Marold 1990a, 122-8 and Introduction above). The warrior is described as ‘shaker of the sword’ and the sword is called ‘flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn>’. For the emendation funhristis see below. Ætt is not only a term for ‘family, kin’ but is often used as a general term for ‘group’ (LP: ætt 2), and together with the gen. it functions as a paraphrase here (‘the group of the warrior’ are ‘warriors’). That ætt is used in pl. can be explained by the fact that occasionally the pl. of a word is used for the sg. for metrical reasons; here the sg. is ætt, but the cadence requires two syllables (hence ættir rather than ætt). Finnur Jónsson (1900b, 391; Skj B and LP: funristis) and Reichardt (1948, 369) could not explain mss’ ‘funristis’ (R, Tˣ) or ‘funristil’ (W), but Kock (NN §459, followed by Davidson 1983, 620) suggests emendation to funhristis ‘flame-thrower’, which he then combines with fasta ‘of lightning’ to get a Þórr-kenning. As Reichardt (1948, 369) rightly observes, however, fasti and fun are synonyms; hence fasti cannot determine fun.

fun ‘of the flame’

(not checked:)
funi (noun m.): fire < funristir (noun m.)

kennings

notes

[5, 7] Jólnis funhristis ættir ‘the group of the shaker of the flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn> [(lit. ‘group of the flame-shaker of Jólnir’) SWORD > WARRIOR > WARRIORS = Þórr and Þjálfi]’: Here again, a kenning for ‘warriors’ is used for Þórr and Þjálfi (see Marold 1990a, 122-8 and Introduction above). The warrior is described as ‘shaker of the sword’ and the sword is called ‘flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn>’. For the emendation funhristis see below. Ætt is not only a term for ‘family, kin’ but is often used as a general term for ‘group’ (LP: ætt 2), and together with the gen. it functions as a paraphrase here (‘the group of the warrior’ are ‘warriors’). That ætt is used in pl. can be explained by the fact that occasionally the pl. of a word is used for the sg. for metrical reasons; here the sg. is ætt, but the cadence requires two syllables (hence ættir rather than ætt). Finnur Jónsson (1900b, 391; Skj B and LP: funristis) and Reichardt (1948, 369) could not explain mss’ ‘funristis’ (R, Tˣ) or ‘funristil’ (W), but Kock (NN §459, followed by Davidson 1983, 620) suggests emendation to funhristis ‘flame-thrower’, which he then combines with fasta ‘of lightning’ to get a Þórr-kenning. As Reichardt (1948, 369) rightly observes, however, fasti and fun are synonyms; hence fasti cannot determine fun.

hristis ‘of the shaker’

(not checked:)
hristir (noun m.): shaker < funristir (noun m.)

[5] ‑hristis: ‑ristis R, Tˣ, ‘‑ristil’ W

kennings

notes

[5, 7] Jólnis funhristis ættir ‘the group of the shaker of the flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn> [(lit. ‘group of the flame-shaker of Jólnir’) SWORD > WARRIOR > WARRIORS = Þórr and Þjálfi]’: Here again, a kenning for ‘warriors’ is used for Þórr and Þjálfi (see Marold 1990a, 122-8 and Introduction above). The warrior is described as ‘shaker of the sword’ and the sword is called ‘flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn>’. For the emendation funhristis see below. Ætt is not only a term for ‘family, kin’ but is often used as a general term for ‘group’ (LP: ætt 2), and together with the gen. it functions as a paraphrase here (‘the group of the warrior’ are ‘warriors’). That ætt is used in pl. can be explained by the fact that occasionally the pl. of a word is used for the sg. for metrical reasons; here the sg. is ætt, but the cadence requires two syllables (hence ættir rather than ætt). Finnur Jónsson (1900b, 391; Skj B and LP: funristis) and Reichardt (1948, 369) could not explain mss’ ‘funristis’ (R, Tˣ) or ‘funristil’ (W), but Kock (NN §459, followed by Davidson 1983, 620) suggests emendation to funhristis ‘flame-thrower’, which he then combines with fasta ‘of lightning’ to get a Þórr-kenning. As Reichardt (1948, 369) rightly observes, however, fasti and fun are synonyms; hence fasti cannot determine fun.

hristis ‘of the shaker’

(not checked:)
hristir (noun m.): shaker < funristir (noun m.)

[5] ‑hristis: ‑ristis R, Tˣ, ‘‑ristil’ W

kennings

notes

[5, 7] Jólnis funhristis ættir ‘the group of the shaker of the flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn> [(lit. ‘group of the flame-shaker of Jólnir’) SWORD > WARRIOR > WARRIORS = Þórr and Þjálfi]’: Here again, a kenning for ‘warriors’ is used for Þórr and Þjálfi (see Marold 1990a, 122-8 and Introduction above). The warrior is described as ‘shaker of the sword’ and the sword is called ‘flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn>’. For the emendation funhristis see below. Ætt is not only a term for ‘family, kin’ but is often used as a general term for ‘group’ (LP: ætt 2), and together with the gen. it functions as a paraphrase here (‘the group of the warrior’ are ‘warriors’). That ætt is used in pl. can be explained by the fact that occasionally the pl. of a word is used for the sg. for metrical reasons; here the sg. is ætt, but the cadence requires two syllables (hence ættir rather than ætt). Finnur Jónsson (1900b, 391; Skj B and LP: funristis) and Reichardt (1948, 369) could not explain mss’ ‘funristis’ (R, Tˣ) or ‘funristil’ (W), but Kock (NN §459, followed by Davidson 1983, 620) suggests emendation to funhristis ‘flame-thrower’, which he then combines with fasta ‘of lightning’ to get a Þórr-kenning. As Reichardt (1948, 369) rightly observes, however, fasti and fun are synonyms; hence fasti cannot determine fun.

fasta ‘firm’

(not checked:)
2. fasta (adv.): complete, firm, firmly

[5] fasta: falla Tˣ

flóð ‘of the sea’

(not checked:)
2. flóð (noun n.): flood < flóðrif (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[6, 8] Danir útvés flóðrifs ‘the Danes of the outlying sanctuary of the sea-rib [STONE > COAST > GIANTS]’: Here, again, the determinant of the giant-kenning is the coastal landscape. Flóðrifs ‘of the sea-rib [STONE]’ by itself would be sufficient as the determinant in a giant-kenning, but in this particular stanza the determinants of the giant-kennings are words chosen from the domain of a steep coastal landscape, such as fles- ‘skerries’, nesja ‘headlands’ and, here, útvé. In the latter case, vé ‘sanctuary’ is a variation on ‘dwelling, residence’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392; LP: útvé). Kock (NN §459) and Reichardt (1948, 369) combine útvés with ættir Jólnis which gives the kenning ‘families of the deity of the far-off dwelling [GIANTS]’; Kiil’s (1956, 137-8) interpretation is closely similar, except that he regards Jólnir útvés ‘the deity of the far-off dwelling’ as a kenning for the giant Geirrøðr.

flóð ‘of the sea’

(not checked:)
2. flóð (noun n.): flood < flóðrif (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[6, 8] Danir útvés flóðrifs ‘the Danes of the outlying sanctuary of the sea-rib [STONE > COAST > GIANTS]’: Here, again, the determinant of the giant-kenning is the coastal landscape. Flóðrifs ‘of the sea-rib [STONE]’ by itself would be sufficient as the determinant in a giant-kenning, but in this particular stanza the determinants of the giant-kennings are words chosen from the domain of a steep coastal landscape, such as fles- ‘skerries’, nesja ‘headlands’ and, here, útvé. In the latter case, vé ‘sanctuary’ is a variation on ‘dwelling, residence’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392; LP: útvé). Kock (NN §459) and Reichardt (1948, 369) combine útvés with ættir Jólnis which gives the kenning ‘families of the deity of the far-off dwelling [GIANTS]’; Kiil’s (1956, 137-8) interpretation is closely similar, except that he regards Jólnir útvés ‘the deity of the far-off dwelling’ as a kenning for the giant Geirrøðr.

flóð ‘of the sea’

(not checked:)
2. flóð (noun n.): flood < flóðrif (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[6, 8] Danir útvés flóðrifs ‘the Danes of the outlying sanctuary of the sea-rib [STONE > COAST > GIANTS]’: Here, again, the determinant of the giant-kenning is the coastal landscape. Flóðrifs ‘of the sea-rib [STONE]’ by itself would be sufficient as the determinant in a giant-kenning, but in this particular stanza the determinants of the giant-kennings are words chosen from the domain of a steep coastal landscape, such as fles- ‘skerries’, nesja ‘headlands’ and, here, útvé. In the latter case, vé ‘sanctuary’ is a variation on ‘dwelling, residence’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392; LP: útvé). Kock (NN §459) and Reichardt (1948, 369) combine útvés with ættir Jólnis which gives the kenning ‘families of the deity of the far-off dwelling [GIANTS]’; Kiil’s (1956, 137-8) interpretation is closely similar, except that he regards Jólnir útvés ‘the deity of the far-off dwelling’ as a kenning for the giant Geirrøðr.

rifs ‘rib’

(not checked:)
1. rif (noun n.; °-s; -, gen. -ja): rib, reason < flóðrif (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[6, 8] Danir útvés flóðrifs ‘the Danes of the outlying sanctuary of the sea-rib [STONE > COAST > GIANTS]’: Here, again, the determinant of the giant-kenning is the coastal landscape. Flóðrifs ‘of the sea-rib [STONE]’ by itself would be sufficient as the determinant in a giant-kenning, but in this particular stanza the determinants of the giant-kennings are words chosen from the domain of a steep coastal landscape, such as fles- ‘skerries’, nesja ‘headlands’ and, here, útvé. In the latter case, vé ‘sanctuary’ is a variation on ‘dwelling, residence’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392; LP: útvé). Kock (NN §459) and Reichardt (1948, 369) combine útvés with ættir Jólnis which gives the kenning ‘families of the deity of the far-off dwelling [GIANTS]’; Kiil’s (1956, 137-8) interpretation is closely similar, except that he regards Jólnir útvés ‘the deity of the far-off dwelling’ as a kenning for the giant Geirrøðr.

rifs ‘rib’

(not checked:)
1. rif (noun n.; °-s; -, gen. -ja): rib, reason < flóðrif (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[6, 8] Danir útvés flóðrifs ‘the Danes of the outlying sanctuary of the sea-rib [STONE > COAST > GIANTS]’: Here, again, the determinant of the giant-kenning is the coastal landscape. Flóðrifs ‘of the sea-rib [STONE]’ by itself would be sufficient as the determinant in a giant-kenning, but in this particular stanza the determinants of the giant-kennings are words chosen from the domain of a steep coastal landscape, such as fles- ‘skerries’, nesja ‘headlands’ and, here, útvé. In the latter case, vé ‘sanctuary’ is a variation on ‘dwelling, residence’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392; LP: útvé). Kock (NN §459) and Reichardt (1948, 369) combine útvés with ættir Jólnis which gives the kenning ‘families of the deity of the far-off dwelling [GIANTS]’; Kiil’s (1956, 137-8) interpretation is closely similar, except that he regards Jólnir útvés ‘the deity of the far-off dwelling’ as a kenning for the giant Geirrøðr.

rifs ‘rib’

(not checked:)
1. rif (noun n.; °-s; -, gen. -ja): rib, reason < flóðrif (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[6, 8] Danir útvés flóðrifs ‘the Danes of the outlying sanctuary of the sea-rib [STONE > COAST > GIANTS]’: Here, again, the determinant of the giant-kenning is the coastal landscape. Flóðrifs ‘of the sea-rib [STONE]’ by itself would be sufficient as the determinant in a giant-kenning, but in this particular stanza the determinants of the giant-kennings are words chosen from the domain of a steep coastal landscape, such as fles- ‘skerries’, nesja ‘headlands’ and, here, útvé. In the latter case, vé ‘sanctuary’ is a variation on ‘dwelling, residence’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392; LP: útvé). Kock (NN §459) and Reichardt (1948, 369) combine útvés with ættir Jólnis which gives the kenning ‘families of the deity of the far-off dwelling [GIANTS]’; Kiil’s (1956, 137-8) interpretation is closely similar, except that he regards Jólnir útvés ‘the deity of the far-off dwelling’ as a kenning for the giant Geirrøðr.

Danir ‘the Danes’

(not checked:)
Danr (noun m.; °dat. -; -ir): Dane

kennings

notes

[6, 8] Danir útvés flóðrifs ‘the Danes of the outlying sanctuary of the sea-rib [STONE > COAST > GIANTS]’: Here, again, the determinant of the giant-kenning is the coastal landscape. Flóðrifs ‘of the sea-rib [STONE]’ by itself would be sufficient as the determinant in a giant-kenning, but in this particular stanza the determinants of the giant-kennings are words chosen from the domain of a steep coastal landscape, such as fles- ‘skerries’, nesja ‘headlands’ and, here, útvé. In the latter case, vé ‘sanctuary’ is a variation on ‘dwelling, residence’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392; LP: útvé). Kock (NN §459) and Reichardt (1948, 369) combine útvés with ættir Jólnis which gives the kenning ‘families of the deity of the far-off dwelling [GIANTS]’; Kiil’s (1956, 137-8) interpretation is closely similar, except that he regards Jólnir útvés ‘the deity of the far-off dwelling’ as a kenning for the giant Geirrøðr.

stóðu ‘stood’

(not checked:)
standa (verb): stand

knôttu ‘’

(not checked:)
knega (verb): to know, understand, be able to

Jólnis ‘of Jólnir’

(not checked:)
Jólnir (noun m.): Jólnir

kennings

notes

[5, 7] Jólnis funhristis ættir ‘the group of the shaker of the flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn> [(lit. ‘group of the flame-shaker of Jólnir’) SWORD > WARRIOR > WARRIORS = Þórr and Þjálfi]’: Here again, a kenning for ‘warriors’ is used for Þórr and Þjálfi (see Marold 1990a, 122-8 and Introduction above). The warrior is described as ‘shaker of the sword’ and the sword is called ‘flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn>’. For the emendation funhristis see below. Ætt is not only a term for ‘family, kin’ but is often used as a general term for ‘group’ (LP: ætt 2), and together with the gen. it functions as a paraphrase here (‘the group of the warrior’ are ‘warriors’). That ætt is used in pl. can be explained by the fact that occasionally the pl. of a word is used for the sg. for metrical reasons; here the sg. is ætt, but the cadence requires two syllables (hence ættir rather than ætt). Finnur Jónsson (1900b, 391; Skj B and LP: funristis) and Reichardt (1948, 369) could not explain mss’ ‘funristis’ (R, Tˣ) or ‘funristil’ (W), but Kock (NN §459, followed by Davidson 1983, 620) suggests emendation to funhristis ‘flame-thrower’, which he then combines with fasta ‘of lightning’ to get a Þórr-kenning. As Reichardt (1948, 369) rightly observes, however, fasti and fun are synonyms; hence fasti cannot determine fun.

Jólnis ‘of Jólnir’

(not checked:)
Jólnir (noun m.): Jólnir

kennings

notes

[5, 7] Jólnis funhristis ættir ‘the group of the shaker of the flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn> [(lit. ‘group of the flame-shaker of Jólnir’) SWORD > WARRIOR > WARRIORS = Þórr and Þjálfi]’: Here again, a kenning for ‘warriors’ is used for Þórr and Þjálfi (see Marold 1990a, 122-8 and Introduction above). The warrior is described as ‘shaker of the sword’ and the sword is called ‘flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn>’. For the emendation funhristis see below. Ætt is not only a term for ‘family, kin’ but is often used as a general term for ‘group’ (LP: ætt 2), and together with the gen. it functions as a paraphrase here (‘the group of the warrior’ are ‘warriors’). That ætt is used in pl. can be explained by the fact that occasionally the pl. of a word is used for the sg. for metrical reasons; here the sg. is ætt, but the cadence requires two syllables (hence ættir rather than ætt). Finnur Jónsson (1900b, 391; Skj B and LP: funristis) and Reichardt (1948, 369) could not explain mss’ ‘funristis’ (R, Tˣ) or ‘funristil’ (W), but Kock (NN §459, followed by Davidson 1983, 620) suggests emendation to funhristis ‘flame-thrower’, which he then combines with fasta ‘of lightning’ to get a Þórr-kenning. As Reichardt (1948, 369) rightly observes, however, fasti and fun are synonyms; hence fasti cannot determine fun.

Jólnis ‘of Jólnir’

(not checked:)
Jólnir (noun m.): Jólnir

kennings

notes

[5, 7] Jólnis funhristis ættir ‘the group of the shaker of the flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn> [(lit. ‘group of the flame-shaker of Jólnir’) SWORD > WARRIOR > WARRIORS = Þórr and Þjálfi]’: Here again, a kenning for ‘warriors’ is used for Þórr and Þjálfi (see Marold 1990a, 122-8 and Introduction above). The warrior is described as ‘shaker of the sword’ and the sword is called ‘flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn>’. For the emendation funhristis see below. Ætt is not only a term for ‘family, kin’ but is often used as a general term for ‘group’ (LP: ætt 2), and together with the gen. it functions as a paraphrase here (‘the group of the warrior’ are ‘warriors’). That ætt is used in pl. can be explained by the fact that occasionally the pl. of a word is used for the sg. for metrical reasons; here the sg. is ætt, but the cadence requires two syllables (hence ættir rather than ætt). Finnur Jónsson (1900b, 391; Skj B and LP: funristis) and Reichardt (1948, 369) could not explain mss’ ‘funristis’ (R, Tˣ) or ‘funristil’ (W), but Kock (NN §459, followed by Davidson 1983, 620) suggests emendation to funhristis ‘flame-thrower’, which he then combines with fasta ‘of lightning’ to get a Þórr-kenning. As Reichardt (1948, 369) rightly observes, however, fasti and fun are synonyms; hence fasti cannot determine fun.

ættir ‘the group’

(not checked:)
1. ætt (noun f.; °-ar; -ir): family

kennings

notes

[5, 7] Jólnis funhristis ættir ‘the group of the shaker of the flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn> [(lit. ‘group of the flame-shaker of Jólnir’) SWORD > WARRIOR > WARRIORS = Þórr and Þjálfi]’: Here again, a kenning for ‘warriors’ is used for Þórr and Þjálfi (see Marold 1990a, 122-8 and Introduction above). The warrior is described as ‘shaker of the sword’ and the sword is called ‘flame of Jólnir <= Óðinn>’. For the emendation funhristis see below. Ætt is not only a term for ‘family, kin’ but is often used as a general term for ‘group’ (LP: ætt 2), and together with the gen. it functions as a paraphrase here (‘the group of the warrior’ are ‘warriors’). That ætt is used in pl. can be explained by the fact that occasionally the pl. of a word is used for the sg. for metrical reasons; here the sg. is ætt, but the cadence requires two syllables (hence ættir rather than ætt). Finnur Jónsson (1900b, 391; Skj B and LP: funristis) and Reichardt (1948, 369) could not explain mss’ ‘funristis’ (R, Tˣ) or ‘funristil’ (W), but Kock (NN §459, followed by Davidson 1983, 620) suggests emendation to funhristis ‘flame-thrower’, which he then combines with fasta ‘of lightning’ to get a Þórr-kenning. As Reichardt (1948, 369) rightly observes, however, fasti and fun are synonyms; hence fasti cannot determine fun.

út ‘of the outlying’

(not checked:)
út (adv.): out(side) < útvé (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[6, 8] Danir útvés flóðrifs ‘the Danes of the outlying sanctuary of the sea-rib [STONE > COAST > GIANTS]’: Here, again, the determinant of the giant-kenning is the coastal landscape. Flóðrifs ‘of the sea-rib [STONE]’ by itself would be sufficient as the determinant in a giant-kenning, but in this particular stanza the determinants of the giant-kennings are words chosen from the domain of a steep coastal landscape, such as fles- ‘skerries’, nesja ‘headlands’ and, here, útvé. In the latter case, vé ‘sanctuary’ is a variation on ‘dwelling, residence’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392; LP: útvé). Kock (NN §459) and Reichardt (1948, 369) combine útvés with ættir Jólnis which gives the kenning ‘families of the deity of the far-off dwelling [GIANTS]’; Kiil’s (1956, 137-8) interpretation is closely similar, except that he regards Jólnir útvés ‘the deity of the far-off dwelling’ as a kenning for the giant Geirrøðr.

út ‘of the outlying’

(not checked:)
út (adv.): out(side) < útvé (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[6, 8] Danir útvés flóðrifs ‘the Danes of the outlying sanctuary of the sea-rib [STONE > COAST > GIANTS]’: Here, again, the determinant of the giant-kenning is the coastal landscape. Flóðrifs ‘of the sea-rib [STONE]’ by itself would be sufficient as the determinant in a giant-kenning, but in this particular stanza the determinants of the giant-kennings are words chosen from the domain of a steep coastal landscape, such as fles- ‘skerries’, nesja ‘headlands’ and, here, útvé. In the latter case, vé ‘sanctuary’ is a variation on ‘dwelling, residence’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392; LP: útvé). Kock (NN §459) and Reichardt (1948, 369) combine útvés with ættir Jólnis which gives the kenning ‘families of the deity of the far-off dwelling [GIANTS]’; Kiil’s (1956, 137-8) interpretation is closely similar, except that he regards Jólnir útvés ‘the deity of the far-off dwelling’ as a kenning for the giant Geirrøðr.

vés ‘sanctuary’

(not checked:)
1. vé (noun n.): house, sanctuary < útvé (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[6, 8] Danir útvés flóðrifs ‘the Danes of the outlying sanctuary of the sea-rib [STONE > COAST > GIANTS]’: Here, again, the determinant of the giant-kenning is the coastal landscape. Flóðrifs ‘of the sea-rib [STONE]’ by itself would be sufficient as the determinant in a giant-kenning, but in this particular stanza the determinants of the giant-kennings are words chosen from the domain of a steep coastal landscape, such as fles- ‘skerries’, nesja ‘headlands’ and, here, útvé. In the latter case, vé ‘sanctuary’ is a variation on ‘dwelling, residence’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392; LP: útvé). Kock (NN §459) and Reichardt (1948, 369) combine útvés with ættir Jólnis which gives the kenning ‘families of the deity of the far-off dwelling [GIANTS]’; Kiil’s (1956, 137-8) interpretation is closely similar, except that he regards Jólnir útvés ‘the deity of the far-off dwelling’ as a kenning for the giant Geirrøðr.

vés ‘sanctuary’

(not checked:)
1. vé (noun n.): house, sanctuary < útvé (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[6, 8] Danir útvés flóðrifs ‘the Danes of the outlying sanctuary of the sea-rib [STONE > COAST > GIANTS]’: Here, again, the determinant of the giant-kenning is the coastal landscape. Flóðrifs ‘of the sea-rib [STONE]’ by itself would be sufficient as the determinant in a giant-kenning, but in this particular stanza the determinants of the giant-kennings are words chosen from the domain of a steep coastal landscape, such as fles- ‘skerries’, nesja ‘headlands’ and, here, útvé. In the latter case, vé ‘sanctuary’ is a variation on ‘dwelling, residence’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 392; LP: útvé). Kock (NN §459) and Reichardt (1948, 369) combine útvés with ættir Jólnis which gives the kenning ‘families of the deity of the far-off dwelling [GIANTS]’; Kiil’s (1956, 137-8) interpretation is closely similar, except that he regards Jólnir útvés ‘the deity of the far-off dwelling’ as a kenning for the giant Geirrøðr.

fyrir ‘before [them]’

(not checked:)
fyrir (prep.): for, before, because of

lúta ‘fell’

(not checked:)
1. lúta (verb): (strong)