Cookies on our website

We use cookies on this website, mainly to provide a secure browsing experience but also to collect statistics on how the website is used. You can find out more about the cookies we set, the information we store and how we use it on the cookies page.

Continue

skaldic

Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages

Menu Search

ÞjóðA Magn 3II

Diana Whaley (ed.) 2009, ‘Þjóðólfr Arnórsson, Stanzas about Magnús Óláfsson in Danaveldi 3’ in Kari Ellen Gade (ed.), Poetry from the Kings’ Sagas 2: From c. 1035 to c. 1300. Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages 2. Turnhout: Brepols, pp. 90-1.

Þjóðólfr ArnórssonStanzas about Magnús Óláfsson in Danaveldi
234

Gær ‘Yesterday’

gær (adv.): [Yesterday]

[1] Gær: ‘Gaurr’ E, J2ˣ, Geir Hr

Close

sák ‘I saw’

2. sjá (verb): see

Close

grjóti ‘stones’

grjót (noun n.): rock, stone

notes

[1, 2] stóru grjóti, steini; fyrir ‘massive stones, rock; in their path’: Grjót may well have its common collective sense. The syntactic role of the two dat. references to stone (grjóti) or rock (steini) is not certain, although it is clear that one or both of them must be governed by kastat ‘hurled’ (l. 4). The main possibilities are the following: (a) Fyrir is here taken as an adv. meaning ‘in front, ahead [of them], in [their] path’, while grjóti stóru and steini are in apposition, both governed by kastat (so Kock in Skald and NN). (b) To construe Gær sák stóru grjóti kastat harðliga; hauss gein fyrir steini ‘Yesterday I saw massive stones hurled mightily; a skull gaped open before a rock’ (so also ÍF 28; Hkr 1991) makes good sense, but fyrir would be problematic, since the monosyllabic form fyr would be usual when the prep. is immediately followed by the noun phrase it governs. Only fyr is required in prepositional use in ÞjóðA Magn 13/5, 14/5, 14/7, Frag 1/3, Har 1/3, contrasted with the disyllabic fyrir in adverbial usage in ÞjóðA Lv 3/4 and 9/7. (Konráð Gíslason noted the rarity of fyrir as prep. and considered emending to ginu hausar fyr steinum ‘skulls gaped before rocks’, but drew back from that; Nj 1875-8, II, 855-6.) (b) Fyrir could govern grjóti stóru, in which case the disyllabic form is due to the fact that it does not directly precede that phrase (cf. yfir in st. 4/6), while kastat governs steini, hence sák steini kastat harðliga; hauss gein fyrir stóru grjóti ‘I saw rocks hurled mightily; skulls gaped open before great stones’ (so Finnur Jónsson in Hkr 1893-1901 and Skj B). However, the prose w. o. assumed by this construal is non-obvious at best, and the same problem arises as for (b).

Close

stóru ‘massive’

stórr (adj.): large, great

notes

[1, 2] stóru grjóti, steini; fyrir ‘massive stones, rock; in their path’: Grjót may well have its common collective sense. The syntactic role of the two dat. references to stone (grjóti) or rock (steini) is not certain, although it is clear that one or both of them must be governed by kastat ‘hurled’ (l. 4). The main possibilities are the following: (a) Fyrir is here taken as an adv. meaning ‘in front, ahead [of them], in [their] path’, while grjóti stóru and steini are in apposition, both governed by kastat (so Kock in Skald and NN). (b) To construe Gær sák stóru grjóti kastat harðliga; hauss gein fyrir steini ‘Yesterday I saw massive stones hurled mightily; a skull gaped open before a rock’ (so also ÍF 28; Hkr 1991) makes good sense, but fyrir would be problematic, since the monosyllabic form fyr would be usual when the prep. is immediately followed by the noun phrase it governs. Only fyr is required in prepositional use in ÞjóðA Magn 13/5, 14/5, 14/7, Frag 1/3, Har 1/3, contrasted with the disyllabic fyrir in adverbial usage in ÞjóðA Lv 3/4 and 9/7. (Konráð Gíslason noted the rarity of fyrir as prep. and considered emending to ginu hausar fyr steinum ‘skulls gaped before rocks’, but drew back from that; Nj 1875-8, II, 855-6.) (b) Fyrir could govern grjóti stóru, in which case the disyllabic form is due to the fact that it does not directly precede that phrase (cf. yfir in st. 4/6), while kastat governs steini, hence sák steini kastat harðliga; hauss gein fyrir stóru grjóti ‘I saw rocks hurled mightily; skulls gaped open before great stones’ (so Finnur Jónsson in Hkr 1893-1901 and Skj B). However, the prose w. o. assumed by this construal is non-obvious at best, and the same problem arises as for (b).

Close

gein ‘gaped’

1. gína (verb): gape

[2] gein: grein 39, ‘[…]’ H

Close

hauss ‘a skull’

hauss (noun m.; °hauss, dat. hausi/haus; hausar): skull

[2] hauss fyrir: ‘hau[…]rir’ 39

Close

fyrir ‘in their path’

fyrir (prep.): for, before, because of

[2] hauss fyrir: ‘hau[…]rir’ 39

notes

[1, 2] stóru grjóti, steini; fyrir ‘massive stones, rock; in their path’: Grjót may well have its common collective sense. The syntactic role of the two dat. references to stone (grjóti) or rock (steini) is not certain, although it is clear that one or both of them must be governed by kastat ‘hurled’ (l. 4). The main possibilities are the following: (a) Fyrir is here taken as an adv. meaning ‘in front, ahead [of them], in [their] path’, while grjóti stóru and steini are in apposition, both governed by kastat (so Kock in Skald and NN). (b) To construe Gær sák stóru grjóti kastat harðliga; hauss gein fyrir steini ‘Yesterday I saw massive stones hurled mightily; a skull gaped open before a rock’ (so also ÍF 28; Hkr 1991) makes good sense, but fyrir would be problematic, since the monosyllabic form fyr would be usual when the prep. is immediately followed by the noun phrase it governs. Only fyr is required in prepositional use in ÞjóðA Magn 13/5, 14/5, 14/7, Frag 1/3, Har 1/3, contrasted with the disyllabic fyrir in adverbial usage in ÞjóðA Lv 3/4 and 9/7. (Konráð Gíslason noted the rarity of fyrir as prep. and considered emending to ginu hausar fyr steinum ‘skulls gaped before rocks’, but drew back from that; Nj 1875-8, II, 855-6.) (b) Fyrir could govern grjóti stóru, in which case the disyllabic form is due to the fact that it does not directly precede that phrase (cf. yfir in st. 4/6), while kastat governs steini, hence sák steini kastat harðliga; hauss gein fyrir stóru grjóti ‘I saw rocks hurled mightily; skulls gaped open before great stones’ (so Finnur Jónsson in Hkr 1893-1901 and Skj B). However, the prose w. o. assumed by this construal is non-obvious at best, and the same problem arises as for (b).

Close

steini ‘rock’

steinn (noun m.; °steins; steinar): stone, colour

notes

[1, 2] stóru grjóti, steini; fyrir ‘massive stones, rock; in their path’: Grjót may well have its common collective sense. The syntactic role of the two dat. references to stone (grjóti) or rock (steini) is not certain, although it is clear that one or both of them must be governed by kastat ‘hurled’ (l. 4). The main possibilities are the following: (a) Fyrir is here taken as an adv. meaning ‘in front, ahead [of them], in [their] path’, while grjóti stóru and steini are in apposition, both governed by kastat (so Kock in Skald and NN). (b) To construe Gær sák stóru grjóti kastat harðliga; hauss gein fyrir steini ‘Yesterday I saw massive stones hurled mightily; a skull gaped open before a rock’ (so also ÍF 28; Hkr 1991) makes good sense, but fyrir would be problematic, since the monosyllabic form fyr would be usual when the prep. is immediately followed by the noun phrase it governs. Only fyr is required in prepositional use in ÞjóðA Magn 13/5, 14/5, 14/7, Frag 1/3, Har 1/3, contrasted with the disyllabic fyrir in adverbial usage in ÞjóðA Lv 3/4 and 9/7. (Konráð Gíslason noted the rarity of fyrir as prep. and considered emending to ginu hausar fyr steinum ‘skulls gaped before rocks’, but drew back from that; Nj 1875-8, II, 855-6.) (b) Fyrir could govern grjóti stóru, in which case the disyllabic form is due to the fact that it does not directly precede that phrase (cf. yfir in st. 4/6), while kastat governs steini, hence sák steini kastat harðliga; hauss gein fyrir stóru grjóti ‘I saw rocks hurled mightily; skulls gaped open before great stones’ (so Finnur Jónsson in Hkr 1893-1901 and Skj B). However, the prose w. o. assumed by this construal is non-obvious at best, and the same problem arises as for (b).

Close

fóra ‘did not advance’

fara (verb; ferr, fór, fóru, farinn): go, travel

[3] fóra: ‘for a’ F, ‘færa’ E, J2ˣ, H, Hr

notes

[3] fóra ‘did not advance’: The variant ‘færa’ has considerable support, but does not make obvious sense in context, whereas fóra supplies the sg. verb that seems to be required by fylking ‘troop’. Fms 12 took an entirely different approach, reading fór á as two words: …grjóti, (sem) fór fast á fylking þeirra ‘stones, [which] pelted hard onto their troop’, but see Konráð Gíslason (loc. cit.) for a refutation of this.

Close

harðliga ‘mightily’

harðliga (adv.): powerfully

Close

kastat ‘hurled’

1. kasta (verb): throw

[4] kastat: ‘[…]ð’ 39

Close

Ofan ‘down to the shore’

ofan (adv.): down

notes

[5, 8] strandhǫgg ofan ‘cattle for slaughter down to the shore’: Strandhǫgg n., only here in poetry, is lit. ‘shore-slaughter’, performed when coastal raiders drive cattle down to a beach and slaughter them for food. The adv. ofan ‘down’ has its usual sense.

Close

keyrðum ‘herded’

keyra (verb): drive, whip, fling

[5] keyrðum vér (‘kørðum ver’): keyrðu vér 39, F, E, J2ˣ, keyrandum H, Hr

Close

vér ‘We’

vér (pron.; °gen. vár, dat./acc. oss): we, us, our

[5] keyrðum vér (‘kørðum ver’): keyrðu vér 39, F, E, J2ˣ, keyrandum H, Hr

Close

orðum ‘with words’

(non-lexical)

Close

muna ‘will not’

munu (verb): will, must

Close

Sveinn ‘Sveinn’

2. Sveinn (noun m.): Sveinn

[6] Sveinn: ‘S.’ 39, Hr, Sveini J2ˣ, Sveins H

Close

varða ‘defend’

2. varða (verb): defend

[6] varða: verða Hr

Close

staðar ‘’

1. staðr (noun m.; °-ar/-s; -ir): place

[7] staðar: staðr H, Hr

Close

miðju ‘midway’

miðja (noun f.; °-u): the middle

[7] miðju: miðjum H, Hr

Close

strand ‘cattle’

strǫnd (noun f.; °strandar, dat. -u/-; strandir/strendr): beach, shore < strandhǫgg (noun n.)

[8] strand‑: ‘stran’ E

notes

[5, 8] strandhǫgg ofan ‘cattle for slaughter down to the shore’: Strandhǫgg n., only here in poetry, is lit. ‘shore-slaughter’, performed when coastal raiders drive cattle down to a beach and slaughter them for food. The adv. ofan ‘down’ has its usual sense.

Close

hǫgg ‘ for slaughter’

hǫgg (noun n.; °-s, dat. hǫggvi/hǫggi; -): blow < strandhǫgg (noun n.)

notes

[5, 8] strandhǫgg ofan ‘cattle for slaughter down to the shore’: Strandhǫgg n., only here in poetry, is lit. ‘shore-slaughter’, performed when coastal raiders drive cattle down to a beach and slaughter them for food. The adv. ofan ‘down’ has its usual sense.

Close

numit ‘anchored’

1. nema (verb): to take

Close

landi ‘along the coast’

land (noun n.; °-s; *-): land

Close

Interactive view: tap on words in the text for notes and glosses

(Cf. previous two Contexts.) Sveinn Úlfsson flees with a remnant of his following to Sjælland (Selund, Zealand). Magnús Óláfsson’s men go ashore there and the next morning slaughter cattle on the beach.

Close

Log in

This service is only available to members of the relevant projects, and to purchasers of the skaldic volumes published by Brepols.
This service uses cookies. By logging in you agree to the use of cookies on your browser.

Close

Stanza/chapter/text segment

Use the buttons at the top of the page to navigate between stanzas in a poem.

Information tab

Interactive tab

The text and translation are given here, with buttons to toggle whether the text is shown in the verse order or prose word order. Clicking on indiviudal words gives dictionary links, variant readings, kennings and notes, where relevant.

Full text tab

This is the text of the edition in a similar format to how the edition appears in the printed volumes.

Chapter/text segment

This view is also used for chapters and other text segments. Not all the headings shown are relevant to such sections.