Þhorn Gldr 2^I

Gerðisk ‘made’

(not checked:)
1. gera (verb): do, make

notes

[1] gerðisk ‘made’: The interpretation of this m. v. verb is problematic. (a) Finnur Jónsson (1884, 71; Hkr 1893-1901, IV; Skj B), Eggert Ó. Brím (ÓT 1892, 345) and Kock (NN §230) emend to gerði and combine it with jǫru-gný glymja, hence ‘made the din of battle resound’. (b) ÍF 26, Fidjestøl (1982, 78), Hkr 1991 and this edn avoid emendation and interpret gerðisk glymja, lit. ‘made himself resound’ as ‘made clangour’ or similar. (c) Holtsmark (1927, 7), on the other hand, separates the two words and forms two sentences: gerðisk helkannandi hlenna ‘he became the punisher of thieves’, and a second in which dróttir (mss dróttar) ‘hosts’ is the subject of 3rd pers. pl. pres. glymja; on this see Note to l. 4 glymja.

glamma ‘of wolves’

(not checked:)
glammi (noun m.): babble

kennings

notes

[1, 4] of trǫð ferðar glamma ‘on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’: The referent is uncertain. ‘Heath’ is assumed here, as a suitable battleground. LP: trǫð favours fjæld ‘mountain’, and cf. the wolf-kenning skœðasǫgnum skógs ‘harm-crew of the forest’ in Anon Óldr 22/7-8, which associates wolves with forests.

ferðar ‘of the pack’

(not checked:)
ferð (noun f.; °-ar; -ir/-arMork 196¹²)): host, journey

kennings

notes

[1, 4] of trǫð ferðar glamma ‘on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’: The referent is uncertain. ‘Heath’ is assumed here, as a suitable battleground. LP: trǫð favours fjæld ‘mountain’, and cf. the wolf-kenning skœðasǫgnum skógs ‘harm-crew of the forest’ in Anon Óldr 22/7-8, which associates wolves with forests.

gný ‘The din’

(not checked:)
gnýr (noun m.): din, tumult < gnýþróttr (noun m.)

kennings

notes

[1-4]: No fewer than seven different interpretations have been suggested. Those of Finnur Jónsson (1884, 69-72; Hkr 1893-1901, IV; Skj B) and Eggert Ó. Brím (ÓT 1892, 345) require numerous emendations: Drótt (mss dróttar) hlenna helkannanda (mss ‑kannandi) Þróttar (mss Þróttr) hlymræks gerði (mss gerðisk) jǫru gný glymja of trǫð glamma ferðar ‘the troop of the one condemning thieves to death, cultivating the din of Þróttr <= Óðinn> [BATTLE], made the noise of battle clatter on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’. By contrast, Kock (NN §230), ÍF 26, Holtsmark (1927, 5-8) and Fidjestøl (1982, 76-8) all prefer to avoid emendations. They all share the following assumptions, which have also been accepted in this edn: (1) Gný-Þróttr ‘din-Þróttr <= Óðinn>’ is taken as the subject of the sentence. It is interpreted as a warrior-kenning, though the choice of determinant varies. (2) Helkannandi hlenna ‘condemning thieves to death’ is regarded as qualifying the subject. (3) Trǫð ferðar glamma ‘the path of the pack of wolves’ is understood as a kenning for ‘wilderness, heath, woodland’. The structural pattern of the helmingr, under the interpretation adopted here, closely matches that of st. 1/1-4, as follows: hilmir ‘ruler’ : gny-Þróttr jǫru ‘din-Þróttr <= Óðinn> of battle [WARRIOR]’; réð heyja þrimu hjaldrskíðs ‘commanded that the noise of the battle-plank [SWORD > BATTLE] be launched’: gerðisk glymja ‘made clangour’; á heiði ‘on the heath’: of trǫð ferðar glamma ‘on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’; ey óðr ‘ever furious’: helkannandi ‘condemning … to death’; œskimeiða galdra vébrautar ‘wishing trees of the incantations of the standard-road [BATTLEFIELD > BATTLE > WARRIORS]’: dróttar hlenna hlymrœks ‘the band of thieves of the battle-cultivator’. — [2] gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the din-Þróttr <=Óðinn> of battle [WARRIOR = Haraldr]’: (a) Gný- ‘din’ normally needs a determinant such as ‘valkyrie’ or ‘weapon’ to form a kenning for ‘battle’. Here, no such determinant can be found, unless Fidjestøl (1982, 76) is correct in interpreting dróttar jǫru ‘troop of battle’ as a valkyrie-kenning. He claims drótt dreyra ‘army of blood’ (Meissner 398) as a parallel; but Meissner’s interpretation of this kenning as ‘valkyries’ is only tentative. (b) Kock (NN §230) and ÍF 26 construe gný-Þróttr dróttar jǫru as ‘the noise-Þróttr of the troop of battle [WARRIORS > BATTLE > WARRIOR]’, but the resulting kenning is flawed, with ‘warrior’ as both referent and determinant. (c) Holtsmark (1927, 22), Hkr 1991 and this edn limit the kenning to gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the Þróttr of the din of battle’ in which gný- characterizes the whole kenning and is not part of its essential structure. Although unusual, this is supported by a structurally similar kenning in Hskv Útdr 7/7-8^II: Gǫndlar þings gný-Þróttr ‘Þróttr <= Óðinn> of the din of Gǫndul’s <valkyrie’s> assembly [(lit. ‘din-Þróttr of Gǫndul’s assembly’) BATTLE > WARRIOR]’. On this cf. Meissner 191; Meissner notes that such kennings are rare but gives some further examples. — [2-3] helkannandi dróttar hlenna ‘condemning the band of thieves to death’: Lit. ‘death-condemning of the band of thieves’. Hel can refer to death, the realm of the dead or the monstrous goddess presiding over it; see Note to HSt Rst 34/1, 4.

gný ‘The din’

(not checked:)
gnýr (noun m.): din, tumult < gnýþróttr (noun m.)

kennings

notes

[1-4]: No fewer than seven different interpretations have been suggested. Those of Finnur Jónsson (1884, 69-72; Hkr 1893-1901, IV; Skj B) and Eggert Ó. Brím (ÓT 1892, 345) require numerous emendations: Drótt (mss dróttar) hlenna helkannanda (mss ‑kannandi) Þróttar (mss Þróttr) hlymræks gerði (mss gerðisk) jǫru gný glymja of trǫð glamma ferðar ‘the troop of the one condemning thieves to death, cultivating the din of Þróttr <= Óðinn> [BATTLE], made the noise of battle clatter on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’. By contrast, Kock (NN §230), ÍF 26, Holtsmark (1927, 5-8) and Fidjestøl (1982, 76-8) all prefer to avoid emendations. They all share the following assumptions, which have also been accepted in this edn: (1) Gný-Þróttr ‘din-Þróttr <= Óðinn>’ is taken as the subject of the sentence. It is interpreted as a warrior-kenning, though the choice of determinant varies. (2) Helkannandi hlenna ‘condemning thieves to death’ is regarded as qualifying the subject. (3) Trǫð ferðar glamma ‘the path of the pack of wolves’ is understood as a kenning for ‘wilderness, heath, woodland’. The structural pattern of the helmingr, under the interpretation adopted here, closely matches that of st. 1/1-4, as follows: hilmir ‘ruler’ : gny-Þróttr jǫru ‘din-Þróttr <= Óðinn> of battle [WARRIOR]’; réð heyja þrimu hjaldrskíðs ‘commanded that the noise of the battle-plank [SWORD > BATTLE] be launched’: gerðisk glymja ‘made clangour’; á heiði ‘on the heath’: of trǫð ferðar glamma ‘on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’; ey óðr ‘ever furious’: helkannandi ‘condemning … to death’; œskimeiða galdra vébrautar ‘wishing trees of the incantations of the standard-road [BATTLEFIELD > BATTLE > WARRIORS]’: dróttar hlenna hlymrœks ‘the band of thieves of the battle-cultivator’. — [2] gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the din-Þróttr <=Óðinn> of battle [WARRIOR = Haraldr]’: (a) Gný- ‘din’ normally needs a determinant such as ‘valkyrie’ or ‘weapon’ to form a kenning for ‘battle’. Here, no such determinant can be found, unless Fidjestøl (1982, 76) is correct in interpreting dróttar jǫru ‘troop of battle’ as a valkyrie-kenning. He claims drótt dreyra ‘army of blood’ (Meissner 398) as a parallel; but Meissner’s interpretation of this kenning as ‘valkyries’ is only tentative. (b) Kock (NN §230) and ÍF 26 construe gný-Þróttr dróttar jǫru as ‘the noise-Þróttr of the troop of battle [WARRIORS > BATTLE > WARRIOR]’, but the resulting kenning is flawed, with ‘warrior’ as both referent and determinant. (c) Holtsmark (1927, 22), Hkr 1991 and this edn limit the kenning to gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the Þróttr of the din of battle’ in which gný- characterizes the whole kenning and is not part of its essential structure. Although unusual, this is supported by a structurally similar kenning in Hskv Útdr 7/7-8^II: Gǫndlar þings gný-Þróttr ‘Þróttr <= Óðinn> of the din of Gǫndul’s <valkyrie’s> assembly [(lit. ‘din-Þróttr of Gǫndul’s assembly’) BATTLE > WARRIOR]’. On this cf. Meissner 191; Meissner notes that such kennings are rare but gives some further examples. — [2-3] helkannandi dróttar hlenna ‘condemning the band of thieves to death’: Lit. ‘death-condemning of the band of thieves’. Hel can refer to death, the realm of the dead or the monstrous goddess presiding over it; see Note to HSt Rst 34/1, 4.

gný ‘The din’

(not checked:)
gnýr (noun m.): din, tumult < gnýþróttr (noun m.)

kennings

notes

[1-4]: No fewer than seven different interpretations have been suggested. Those of Finnur Jónsson (1884, 69-72; Hkr 1893-1901, IV; Skj B) and Eggert Ó. Brím (ÓT 1892, 345) require numerous emendations: Drótt (mss dróttar) hlenna helkannanda (mss ‑kannandi) Þróttar (mss Þróttr) hlymræks gerði (mss gerðisk) jǫru gný glymja of trǫð glamma ferðar ‘the troop of the one condemning thieves to death, cultivating the din of Þróttr <= Óðinn> [BATTLE], made the noise of battle clatter on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’. By contrast, Kock (NN §230), ÍF 26, Holtsmark (1927, 5-8) and Fidjestøl (1982, 76-8) all prefer to avoid emendations. They all share the following assumptions, which have also been accepted in this edn: (1) Gný-Þróttr ‘din-Þróttr <= Óðinn>’ is taken as the subject of the sentence. It is interpreted as a warrior-kenning, though the choice of determinant varies. (2) Helkannandi hlenna ‘condemning thieves to death’ is regarded as qualifying the subject. (3) Trǫð ferðar glamma ‘the path of the pack of wolves’ is understood as a kenning for ‘wilderness, heath, woodland’. The structural pattern of the helmingr, under the interpretation adopted here, closely matches that of st. 1/1-4, as follows: hilmir ‘ruler’ : gny-Þróttr jǫru ‘din-Þróttr <= Óðinn> of battle [WARRIOR]’; réð heyja þrimu hjaldrskíðs ‘commanded that the noise of the battle-plank [SWORD > BATTLE] be launched’: gerðisk glymja ‘made clangour’; á heiði ‘on the heath’: of trǫð ferðar glamma ‘on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’; ey óðr ‘ever furious’: helkannandi ‘condemning … to death’; œskimeiða galdra vébrautar ‘wishing trees of the incantations of the standard-road [BATTLEFIELD > BATTLE > WARRIORS]’: dróttar hlenna hlymrœks ‘the band of thieves of the battle-cultivator’. — [2] gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the din-Þróttr <=Óðinn> of battle [WARRIOR = Haraldr]’: (a) Gný- ‘din’ normally needs a determinant such as ‘valkyrie’ or ‘weapon’ to form a kenning for ‘battle’. Here, no such determinant can be found, unless Fidjestøl (1982, 76) is correct in interpreting dróttar jǫru ‘troop of battle’ as a valkyrie-kenning. He claims drótt dreyra ‘army of blood’ (Meissner 398) as a parallel; but Meissner’s interpretation of this kenning as ‘valkyries’ is only tentative. (b) Kock (NN §230) and ÍF 26 construe gný-Þróttr dróttar jǫru as ‘the noise-Þróttr of the troop of battle [WARRIORS > BATTLE > WARRIOR]’, but the resulting kenning is flawed, with ‘warrior’ as both referent and determinant. (c) Holtsmark (1927, 22), Hkr 1991 and this edn limit the kenning to gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the Þróttr of the din of battle’ in which gný- characterizes the whole kenning and is not part of its essential structure. Although unusual, this is supported by a structurally similar kenning in Hskv Útdr 7/7-8^II: Gǫndlar þings gný-Þróttr ‘Þróttr <= Óðinn> of the din of Gǫndul’s <valkyrie’s> assembly [(lit. ‘din-Þróttr of Gǫndul’s assembly’) BATTLE > WARRIOR]’. On this cf. Meissner 191; Meissner notes that such kennings are rare but gives some further examples. — [2-3] helkannandi dróttar hlenna ‘condemning the band of thieves to death’: Lit. ‘death-condemning of the band of thieves’. Hel can refer to death, the realm of the dead or the monstrous goddess presiding over it; see Note to HSt Rst 34/1, 4.

Þróttr ‘Þróttr’

(not checked:)
2. Þróttr (noun m.): Þróttr < gnýþróttr (noun m.)

kennings

notes

[1, 4] of trǫð ferðar glamma ‘on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’: The referent is uncertain. ‘Heath’ is assumed here, as a suitable battleground. LP: trǫð favours fjæld ‘mountain’, and cf. the wolf-kenning skœðasǫgnum skógs ‘harm-crew of the forest’ in Anon Óldr 22/7-8, which associates wolves with forests. — [2] gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the din-Þróttr <=Óðinn> of battle [WARRIOR = Haraldr]’: (a) Gný- ‘din’ normally needs a determinant such as ‘valkyrie’ or ‘weapon’ to form a kenning for ‘battle’. Here, no such determinant can be found, unless Fidjestøl (1982, 76) is correct in interpreting dróttar jǫru ‘troop of battle’ as a valkyrie-kenning. He claims drótt dreyra ‘army of blood’ (Meissner 398) as a parallel; but Meissner’s interpretation of this kenning as ‘valkyries’ is only tentative. (b) Kock (NN §230) and ÍF 26 construe gný-Þróttr dróttar jǫru as ‘the noise-Þróttr of the troop of battle [WARRIORS > BATTLE > WARRIOR]’, but the resulting kenning is flawed, with ‘warrior’ as both referent and determinant. (c) Holtsmark (1927, 22), Hkr 1991 and this edn limit the kenning to gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the Þróttr of the din of battle’ in which gný- characterizes the whole kenning and is not part of its essential structure. Although unusual, this is supported by a structurally similar kenning in Hskv Útdr 7/7-8^II: Gǫndlar þings gný-Þróttr ‘Þróttr <= Óðinn> of the din of Gǫndul’s <valkyrie’s> assembly [(lit. ‘din-Þróttr of Gǫndul’s assembly’) BATTLE > WARRIOR]’. On this cf. Meissner 191; Meissner notes that such kennings are rare but gives some further examples.

Þróttr ‘Þróttr’

(not checked:)
2. Þróttr (noun m.): Þróttr < gnýþróttr (noun m.)

kennings

notes

[1, 4] of trǫð ferðar glamma ‘on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’: The referent is uncertain. ‘Heath’ is assumed here, as a suitable battleground. LP: trǫð favours fjæld ‘mountain’, and cf. the wolf-kenning skœðasǫgnum skógs ‘harm-crew of the forest’ in Anon Óldr 22/7-8, which associates wolves with forests. — [2] gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the din-Þróttr <=Óðinn> of battle [WARRIOR = Haraldr]’: (a) Gný- ‘din’ normally needs a determinant such as ‘valkyrie’ or ‘weapon’ to form a kenning for ‘battle’. Here, no such determinant can be found, unless Fidjestøl (1982, 76) is correct in interpreting dróttar jǫru ‘troop of battle’ as a valkyrie-kenning. He claims drótt dreyra ‘army of blood’ (Meissner 398) as a parallel; but Meissner’s interpretation of this kenning as ‘valkyries’ is only tentative. (b) Kock (NN §230) and ÍF 26 construe gný-Þróttr dróttar jǫru as ‘the noise-Þróttr of the troop of battle [WARRIORS > BATTLE > WARRIOR]’, but the resulting kenning is flawed, with ‘warrior’ as both referent and determinant. (c) Holtsmark (1927, 22), Hkr 1991 and this edn limit the kenning to gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the Þróttr of the din of battle’ in which gný- characterizes the whole kenning and is not part of its essential structure. Although unusual, this is supported by a structurally similar kenning in Hskv Útdr 7/7-8^II: Gǫndlar þings gný-Þróttr ‘Þróttr <= Óðinn> of the din of Gǫndul’s <valkyrie’s> assembly [(lit. ‘din-Þróttr of Gǫndul’s assembly’) BATTLE > WARRIOR]’. On this cf. Meissner 191; Meissner notes that such kennings are rare but gives some further examples.

orrustu ‘’

(not checked:)
orrusta (noun f.; °-u; -ur): battle

jǫru ‘of battle’

(not checked:)
jara (noun f.): battle

[2] jǫru: so F, í orrustu Kˣ, J1ˣ, J2ˣ, 761aˣ(19v)

kennings

notes

[1] gerðisk ‘made’: The interpretation of this m. v. verb is problematic. (a) Finnur Jónsson (1884, 71; Hkr 1893-1901, IV; Skj B), Eggert Ó. Brím (ÓT 1892, 345) and Kock (NN §230) emend to gerði and combine it with jǫru-gný glymja, hence ‘made the din of battle resound’. (b) ÍF 26, Fidjestøl (1982, 78), Hkr 1991 and this edn avoid emendation and interpret gerðisk glymja, lit. ‘made himself resound’ as ‘made clangour’ or similar. (c) Holtsmark (1927, 7), on the other hand, separates the two words and forms two sentences: gerðisk helkannandi hlenna ‘he became the punisher of thieves’, and a second in which dróttir (mss dróttar) ‘hosts’ is the subject of 3rd pers. pl. pres. glymja; on this see Note to l. 4 glymja. — [2] gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the din-Þróttr <=Óðinn> of battle [WARRIOR = Haraldr]’: (a) Gný- ‘din’ normally needs a determinant such as ‘valkyrie’ or ‘weapon’ to form a kenning for ‘battle’. Here, no such determinant can be found, unless Fidjestøl (1982, 76) is correct in interpreting dróttar jǫru ‘troop of battle’ as a valkyrie-kenning. He claims drótt dreyra ‘army of blood’ (Meissner 398) as a parallel; but Meissner’s interpretation of this kenning as ‘valkyries’ is only tentative. (b) Kock (NN §230) and ÍF 26 construe gný-Þróttr dróttar jǫru as ‘the noise-Þróttr of the troop of battle [WARRIORS > BATTLE > WARRIOR]’, but the resulting kenning is flawed, with ‘warrior’ as both referent and determinant. (c) Holtsmark (1927, 22), Hkr 1991 and this edn limit the kenning to gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the Þróttr of the din of battle’ in which gný- characterizes the whole kenning and is not part of its essential structure. Although unusual, this is supported by a structurally similar kenning in Hskv Útdr 7/7-8^II: Gǫndlar þings gný-Þróttr ‘Þróttr <= Óðinn> of the din of Gǫndul’s <valkyrie’s> assembly [(lit. ‘din-Þróttr of Gǫndul’s assembly’) BATTLE > WARRIOR]’. On this cf. Meissner 191; Meissner notes that such kennings are rare but gives some further examples.

jǫru ‘of battle’

(not checked:)
jara (noun f.): battle

[2] jǫru: so F, í orrustu Kˣ, J1ˣ, J2ˣ, 761aˣ(19v)

kennings

notes

[1] gerðisk ‘made’: The interpretation of this m. v. verb is problematic. (a) Finnur Jónsson (1884, 71; Hkr 1893-1901, IV; Skj B), Eggert Ó. Brím (ÓT 1892, 345) and Kock (NN §230) emend to gerði and combine it with jǫru-gný glymja, hence ‘made the din of battle resound’. (b) ÍF 26, Fidjestøl (1982, 78), Hkr 1991 and this edn avoid emendation and interpret gerðisk glymja, lit. ‘made himself resound’ as ‘made clangour’ or similar. (c) Holtsmark (1927, 7), on the other hand, separates the two words and forms two sentences: gerðisk helkannandi hlenna ‘he became the punisher of thieves’, and a second in which dróttir (mss dróttar) ‘hosts’ is the subject of 3rd pers. pl. pres. glymja; on this see Note to l. 4 glymja. — [2] gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the din-Þróttr <=Óðinn> of battle [WARRIOR = Haraldr]’: (a) Gný- ‘din’ normally needs a determinant such as ‘valkyrie’ or ‘weapon’ to form a kenning for ‘battle’. Here, no such determinant can be found, unless Fidjestøl (1982, 76) is correct in interpreting dróttar jǫru ‘troop of battle’ as a valkyrie-kenning. He claims drótt dreyra ‘army of blood’ (Meissner 398) as a parallel; but Meissner’s interpretation of this kenning as ‘valkyries’ is only tentative. (b) Kock (NN §230) and ÍF 26 construe gný-Þróttr dróttar jǫru as ‘the noise-Þróttr of the troop of battle [WARRIORS > BATTLE > WARRIOR]’, but the resulting kenning is flawed, with ‘warrior’ as both referent and determinant. (c) Holtsmark (1927, 22), Hkr 1991 and this edn limit the kenning to gný-Þróttr jǫru ‘the Þróttr of the din of battle’ in which gný- characterizes the whole kenning and is not part of its essential structure. Although unusual, this is supported by a structurally similar kenning in Hskv Útdr 7/7-8^II: Gǫndlar þings gný-Þróttr ‘Þróttr <= Óðinn> of the din of Gǫndul’s <valkyrie’s> assembly [(lit. ‘din-Þróttr of Gǫndul’s assembly’) BATTLE > WARRIOR]’. On this cf. Meissner 191; Meissner notes that such kennings are rare but gives some further examples.

dróttar ‘the band’

(not checked:)
1. drótt (noun f.): troop

notes

[2-3] helkannandi dróttar hlenna ‘condemning the band of thieves to death’: Lit. ‘death-condemning of the band of thieves’. Hel can refer to death, the realm of the dead or the monstrous goddess presiding over it; see Note to HSt Rst 34/1, 4.

hel ‘to death’

(not checked:)
1. hel (noun f.; °-jar, dat. -ju): death, Hel, hell < helkannandi (noun m.)

notes

[2-3] helkannandi dróttar hlenna ‘condemning the band of thieves to death’: Lit. ‘death-condemning of the band of thieves’. Hel can refer to death, the realm of the dead or the monstrous goddess presiding over it; see Note to HSt Rst 34/1, 4.

kannandi ‘condemning’

(not checked:)
3. kanna (verb): know, be able < helkannandi (noun m.)

notes

[2-3] helkannandi dróttar hlenna ‘condemning the band of thieves to death’: Lit. ‘death-condemning of the band of thieves’. Hel can refer to death, the realm of the dead or the monstrous goddess presiding over it; see Note to HSt Rst 34/1, 4.

hlanna ‘’

(not checked:)
hlanna (verb): steal

hlenna ‘of thieves’

(not checked:)
hlenni (noun m.): robber, thief

[3] hlenna: so F, J1ˣ, J2ˣ, 761aˣ(19v), hlanna Kˣ

notes

[2-3] helkannandi dróttar hlenna ‘condemning the band of thieves to death’: Lit. ‘death-condemning of the band of thieves’. Hel can refer to death, the realm of the dead or the monstrous goddess presiding over it; see Note to HSt Rst 34/1, 4.

hlym ‘of the battle’

(not checked:)
hlymr (noun m.): din < hlymrœkr (unclassified)hlymr (noun m.): din

notes

[4] hlymrœks ‘of the battle-cultivator’: The second element of the cpd as preserved in the mss (‘-ræks’, ‘-rœks’, ‘-reks’) is normalised to ‑rœks (see Note to Yt 25/7). (a) This edn interprets hlymrœks as a nominalised form of an adj. referring to Haraldr’s opponent. This produces a structural pattern for ll. 1-4 which closely matches the first helmingr of st. 1 (see Note to ll. 1-4). A drawback to this solution, however, is that hlym- ‘noise (of battle)’ normally needs a determinant, and various alternatives have therefore been proposed. (b) Finnur Jónsson (1884, 71; Hkr 1893-1901, IV; Skj B) and Eggert Ó. Brím (ÓT 1892, 345) combine it with their emendation of Þróttr to Þróttar <= Óðinn>. Without emendation, this solution is not possible. (c) Sveinbjörn Egilsson (LP (1860): hlenni), Kock (NN §230) and Hkr 1991 take hlymrœks to be an adj. and combine it with hlenna (gen. sg.), thus ‘noise-making thief’. (d) Fidjestøl (1982, 77) reads of trǫð ferðar hlymrœks glamma ‘on the path of the troop of the noise-making wolf’. However, hlymrœks glamma is gen. sg., whereas in most of the comparable cases ferð ‘troop’ is construed with a gen. pl., cf. LP: ferð. (e) Guðbrandur Vigfússon (CPB II, 30 n.), followed by ÍF 26, attempts an entirely different interpretation according to which the word is the Irish p. n. Limerick. He connects Hlymræks to hlenna ‘thieves’. Helkannandi dróttar hlenna Hlymreks ‘the one who hands the band of thieves of Limerick over to Hel’ then forms an apposition to the subject of the sentence, praising him for a presumed campaign against the Irish. However, the Irish are not mentioned elsewhere in the poem, only the Scots (see st. 8/6), and the structural parallels between the first helmingar of sts 1 and 2 favour the interpretation (a).

reks ‘’

rœks ‘cultivator’

(not checked:)
rœkr (adj.; °-jan; compar. -ari, superl. -astr): cultivating < hlymrœkr (unclassified)

[4] ‑rœks: ‑reks F, J2ˣ

notes

[4] hlymrœks ‘of the battle-cultivator’: The second element of the cpd as preserved in the mss (‘-ræks’, ‘-rœks’, ‘-reks’) is normalised to ‑rœks (see Note to Yt 25/7). (a) This edn interprets hlymrœks as a nominalised form of an adj. referring to Haraldr’s opponent. This produces a structural pattern for ll. 1-4 which closely matches the first helmingr of st. 1 (see Note to ll. 1-4). A drawback to this solution, however, is that hlym- ‘noise (of battle)’ normally needs a determinant, and various alternatives have therefore been proposed. (b) Finnur Jónsson (1884, 71; Hkr 1893-1901, IV; Skj B) and Eggert Ó. Brím (ÓT 1892, 345) combine it with their emendation of Þróttr to Þróttar <= Óðinn>. Without emendation, this solution is not possible. (c) Sveinbjörn Egilsson (LP (1860): hlenni), Kock (NN §230) and Hkr 1991 take hlymrœks to be an adj. and combine it with hlenna (gen. sg.), thus ‘noise-making thief’. (d) Fidjestøl (1982, 77) reads of trǫð ferðar hlymrœks glamma ‘on the path of the troop of the noise-making wolf’. However, hlymrœks glamma is gen. sg., whereas in most of the comparable cases ferð ‘troop’ is construed with a gen. pl., cf. LP: ferð. (e) Guðbrandur Vigfússon (CPB II, 30 n.), followed by ÍF 26, attempts an entirely different interpretation according to which the word is the Irish p. n. Limerick. He connects Hlymræks to hlenna ‘thieves’. Helkannandi dróttar hlenna Hlymreks ‘the one who hands the band of thieves of Limerick over to Hel’ then forms an apposition to the subject of the sentence, praising him for a presumed campaign against the Irish. However, the Irish are not mentioned elsewhere in the poem, only the Scots (see st. 8/6), and the structural parallels between the first helmingar of sts 1 and 2 favour the interpretation (a).

of ‘on’

(not checked:)
3. of (prep.): around, from; too

notes

[1, 4] of trǫð ferðar glamma ‘on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’: The referent is uncertain. ‘Heath’ is assumed here, as a suitable battleground. LP: trǫð favours fjæld ‘mountain’, and cf. the wolf-kenning skœðasǫgnum skógs ‘harm-crew of the forest’ in Anon Óldr 22/7-8, which associates wolves with forests.

truð ‘’

(not checked:)
trúðr (noun m.; °; -ar): charlatan, juggler

trǫð ‘the path’

(not checked:)
trǫð (noun f.; °traðar; traðir): path

[4] trǫð: so F, ‘truð’ Kˣ, J1ˣ, 761aˣ(19v), troð J2ˣ

kennings

notes

[1, 4] of trǫð ferðar glamma ‘on the path of the pack of wolves [HEATH]’: The referent is uncertain. ‘Heath’ is assumed here, as a suitable battleground. LP: trǫð favours fjæld ‘mountain’, and cf. the wolf-kenning skœðasǫgnum skógs ‘harm-crew of the forest’ in Anon Óldr 22/7-8, which associates wolves with forests.

glymja ‘clangour’

(not checked:)
glymja (verb): resound

notes

[1, 4] gerðisk glymja ‘made clangour’: Lit. ‘did resound’. The verb is used in an impersonal sense, cf. Anon Eirm 4/4 glymr fyr Eireki ‘the clangour is made for Eiríkr’. See also Note to l. 1 gerðisk, above.

er ‘’

(not checked:)
2. er (conj.): who, which, when

þá ‘’

(not checked:)
2. þá (adv.): then

áðr ‘before’

(not checked:)
áðr (adv.; °//): before

[5] áðr: þá er R, Tˣ, A, C, 761aˣ(24v)

út ‘out’

(not checked:)
út (adv.): out(side)

á ‘to’

(not checked:)
3. á (prep.): on, at

mar ‘sea’

(not checked:)
1. marr (noun m.): sea

meita ‘’

(not checked:)
Meiti (noun m.): Meiti

mœtir ‘attender’

(not checked:)
mœtir (noun m.): meeter

[5] mœtir: meita R, Tˣ, C, 761aˣ(24v)

kennings

notes

[5, 8] mœtir vébrautar ‘attender of the standard-road [BATTLEFIELD > WARRIOR]’: (a) This interpretation appears less problematic than the alternatives, although the kenning is slightly unusual in that warrior-kennings with mœtir ‘meeter, attender’ as base-word normally use a word for ‘battle’ rather than ‘battlefield’ as the determinant (see Meissner 298). On the interpretation of vébraut as ‘battlefield’, see Note to st. 1/1-4. Several eds add to this kenning tanna lagar ‘of the teeth of the sea [STONES]’, but none gives a credible interpretation of the resulting vébraut tanna lagar. (b) One interpretation takes it to be a sword-kenning ‘holy path of the teeth of the sea [STONE (= whetstone) > SWORD]’ (ÓT 1892, 345; Hkr 1893-1901, IV). (c) In another view it is a kenning for ‘gold’: ‘teeth of the sea [STONES] of the standard-road [SEA > GOLD]’. Here the mœtir ‘enemy’ of ‘gold’ is interpreted as ‘generous ruler’ (Reichardt 1928, 20-1, followed by Faulkes in SnE 1998, I, 214). However, this supposed gold-kenning deviates from the rules of kenning formation in several ways (see Finnur Jónsson 1929b, 135-6). (d) Kock (NN §231) emends lagar tanna to íugtanna ‘of the bear’, combines it with mœtir, and views the resulting ‘confronter of the bear’ as a reference to a youthful adventure of Haraldr hárfagri. However, the emendation itself and the resulting interpretation are improbable. (e) ÍF 26 (followed by Hkr 1991) conjoins mœtir and Nǫkkva, referring to a Nǫkkvi who is named in HHárf (ÍF 26, 103) as a king of Naumdalr (Namdalen) who participates in a rebellion against Haraldr. However, this is highly unlikely because the supposed king is probably an extrapolation from this stanza on Snorri’s part.

mann ‘the man’

(not checked:)
maðr (noun m.): man, person < mannskœðr (adj.): [deadly disease]maðr (noun m.): man, personmaðr (noun m.): man, person

kennings

skjǫðr ‘’

skjóðr ‘’

skœðr ‘harming’

(not checked:)
skœðr (adj.): dangerous < mannskœðr (adj.): [deadly disease]

[6] ‑skœðr: so F, R, Tˣ, A, C, 761aˣ(24v), ‑skjóðr Kˣ, J1ˣ, ‘‑skjǫðr’ J2ˣ, 761aˣ(19v)

kennings

laðar ‘’

(not checked:)
1. lǫð (noun f.): [hospitality]

lagar ‘of the sea’

(not checked:)
lǫgr (noun m.; °lagar, dat. legi): sea

[6] lagar: laðar R, C

kennings

notes

[6, 8] nǫkkva tanna lagar ‘ships of the teeth of the sea [STONES (steinar ‘colours’)]’: I.e. painted ships. The kenning ‘teeth of the sea’ is interpreted as an ofljóst here; the interpretations given in ÍF 26 and Hkr 1991 are similar though sceptical. Steinn means not only ‘stone’ but also ‘colour (mineral paint)’. Ships may have been painted, as suggested by references to colour, also using the word steinn, in Þfagr Sveinn 3/5, 6-7^II glæsidýr lauks … fagrdrifin steini ‘the splendid beasts of the mast [SHIPS] … beautifully covered with colour’ and Refr Ferðv 3/1, 3-4^III runnit rauðum steini ‘covered with red paint’, in reference to a ship’s bow; while in Hallm Hallkv 9/5^V steinnǫkkva must be not a ‘stone ship’ but a ‘painted ship’. While in the first two examples steini is a dat. with a p. p. (fagrdrifin, runnit, both ‘covered’), the use of stein- in the cpd steinnǫkkva can be regarded as a parallel to the use of tanna lagar as a gen. with adjectival function (cf. NS §135). The use of the pl. tanna ‘teeth’ in the present case may be explained as necessary to fulfil metrical requirements. 

haðir ‘’

tanna ‘of the teeth’

(not checked:)
tǫnn (noun f.; °tannar; tenn/tennr/tennar): tooth

[6] tanna: ‘(t)anna’(?) R, ‘haðir’ Tˣ

kennings

notes

[6, 8] nǫkkva tanna lagar ‘ships of the teeth of the sea [STONES (steinar ‘colours’)]’: I.e. painted ships. The kenning ‘teeth of the sea’ is interpreted as an ofljóst here; the interpretations given in ÍF 26 and Hkr 1991 are similar though sceptical. Steinn means not only ‘stone’ but also ‘colour (mineral paint)’. Ships may have been painted, as suggested by references to colour, also using the word steinn, in Þfagr Sveinn 3/5, 6-7^II glæsidýr lauks … fagrdrifin steini ‘the splendid beasts of the mast [SHIPS] … beautifully covered with colour’ and Refr Ferðv 3/1, 3-4^III runnit rauðum steini ‘covered with red paint’, in reference to a ship’s bow; while in Hallm Hallkv 9/5^V steinnǫkkva must be not a ‘stone ship’ but a ‘painted ship’. While in the first two examples steini is a dat. with a p. p. (fagrdrifin, runnit, both ‘covered’), the use of stein- in the cpd steinnǫkkva can be regarded as a parallel to the use of tanna lagar as a gen. with adjectival function (cf. NS §135). The use of the pl. tanna ‘teeth’ in the present case may be explained as necessary to fulfil metrical requirements. 

ræsi ‘the excellent’

(not checked:)
ræsa (verb): incite, rush < ræsinaðr (noun m.)ræsa (verb): incite, rush < ræsimaðr (noun m.)

kennings

notes

[7] ok ræsinaðr rausnar ‘and the excellent adder of the forecastle [SHIP]’: Based on its form, ræsinaðr must be a cpd of a verb and a noun. A fitting verb is ræsa ‘to impel, set in motion’, and the usage of ræsi- here may be comparable with that in the hap. leg. ræsimaðr (Ljósvetninga saga ch. 21(31), ÍF 10, 105), which refers to a capable, assertive man (who puts things in motion). This derivation is preferable to the one given at LP: rœsinaðr, which links the word to ModNorw. dialect røseleg ‘large, handsome’. Because naðr ‘adder’ alone cannot designate a ship except for Óláfr Tryggvason’s renowned Ormr ‘Serpent’, rausnar ‘of the forecastle’ must be the obligatory determinant of the kenning (for the term rausn see the explanation in Hkr, ÍF 26, 100). It follows that F’s reading ok ‘and’ is to be preferred (so also ÓT 1892, 345; Hkr 1893-1901; Skj B; NN §231; Holtsmark 1927, 24-5), since it can precede the ship-kenning ræsinaðr rausnar, while til ‘to’ in the other mss cannot. In itself, til also makes good sense, forming til rausnar ‘for glory, in splendour’ (so ÍF 26; Fidjestøl 1982, 78; Hkr 1991).

maðr ‘’

(not checked:)
maðr (noun m.): man, person < ræsimaðr (noun m.)

naðr ‘adder’

(not checked:)
naðr (noun m.): snake < ræsinaðr (noun m.)

[7] ‑naðr: so F, R, Tˣ, A, C, 761aˣ(24v), ‑maðr Kˣ, J1ˣ, J2ˣ, 761aˣ(19v)

kennings

notes

[7] ok ræsinaðr rausnar ‘and the excellent adder of the forecastle [SHIP]’: Based on its form, ræsinaðr must be a cpd of a verb and a noun. A fitting verb is ræsa ‘to impel, set in motion’, and the usage of ræsi- here may be comparable with that in the hap. leg. ræsimaðr (Ljósvetninga saga ch. 21(31), ÍF 10, 105), which refers to a capable, assertive man (who puts things in motion). This derivation is preferable to the one given at LP: rœsinaðr, which links the word to ModNorw. dialect røseleg ‘large, handsome’. Because naðr ‘adder’ alone cannot designate a ship except for Óláfr Tryggvason’s renowned Ormr ‘Serpent’, rausnar ‘of the forecastle’ must be the obligatory determinant of the kenning (for the term rausn see the explanation in Hkr, ÍF 26, 100). It follows that F’s reading ok ‘and’ is to be preferred (so also ÓT 1892, 345; Hkr 1893-1901; Skj B; NN §231; Holtsmark 1927, 24-5), since it can precede the ship-kenning ræsinaðr rausnar, while til ‘to’ in the other mss cannot. In itself, til also makes good sense, forming til rausnar ‘for glory, in splendour’ (so ÍF 26; Fidjestøl 1982, 78; Hkr 1991).

til ‘’

(not checked:)
til (prep.): to

ok ‘and’

(not checked:)
3. ok (conj.): and, but; also

[7] ok: so F, til Kˣ, J1ˣ, J2ˣ, R, A, C, 761aˣ(19v), 761aˣ(24v), om. Tˣ

notes

[7] ok ræsinaðr rausnar ‘and the excellent adder of the forecastle [SHIP]’: Based on its form, ræsinaðr must be a cpd of a verb and a noun. A fitting verb is ræsa ‘to impel, set in motion’, and the usage of ræsi- here may be comparable with that in the hap. leg. ræsimaðr (Ljósvetninga saga ch. 21(31), ÍF 10, 105), which refers to a capable, assertive man (who puts things in motion). This derivation is preferable to the one given at LP: rœsinaðr, which links the word to ModNorw. dialect røseleg ‘large, handsome’. Because naðr ‘adder’ alone cannot designate a ship except for Óláfr Tryggvason’s renowned Ormr ‘Serpent’, rausnar ‘of the forecastle’ must be the obligatory determinant of the kenning (for the term rausn see the explanation in Hkr, ÍF 26, 100). It follows that F’s reading ok ‘and’ is to be preferred (so also ÓT 1892, 345; Hkr 1893-1901; Skj B; NN §231; Holtsmark 1927, 24-5), since it can precede the ship-kenning ræsinaðr rausnar, while til ‘to’ in the other mss cannot. In itself, til also makes good sense, forming til rausnar ‘for glory, in splendour’ (so ÍF 26; Fidjestøl 1982, 78; Hkr 1991).

rausnar ‘of the forecastle’

(not checked:)
2. rausn (noun f.): forecastle

kennings

notes

[7] ok ræsinaðr rausnar ‘and the excellent adder of the forecastle [SHIP]’: Based on its form, ræsinaðr must be a cpd of a verb and a noun. A fitting verb is ræsa ‘to impel, set in motion’, and the usage of ræsi- here may be comparable with that in the hap. leg. ræsimaðr (Ljósvetninga saga ch. 21(31), ÍF 10, 105), which refers to a capable, assertive man (who puts things in motion). This derivation is preferable to the one given at LP: rœsinaðr, which links the word to ModNorw. dialect røseleg ‘large, handsome’. Because naðr ‘adder’ alone cannot designate a ship except for Óláfr Tryggvason’s renowned Ormr ‘Serpent’, rausnar ‘of the forecastle’ must be the obligatory determinant of the kenning (for the term rausn see the explanation in Hkr, ÍF 26, 100). It follows that F’s reading ok ‘and’ is to be preferred (so also ÓT 1892, 345; Hkr 1893-1901; Skj B; NN §231; Holtsmark 1927, 24-5), since it can precede the ship-kenning ræsinaðr rausnar, while til ‘to’ in the other mss cannot. In itself, til also makes good sense, forming til rausnar ‘for glory, in splendour’ (so ÍF 26; Fidjestøl 1982, 78; Hkr 1991).

rak ‘drove’

(not checked:)
2. reka (verb): drive, force

vé ‘of the standard’

(not checked:)
2. vé (noun n.; °; -): banner, standard < vébraut (noun f.)2. vé (noun n.; °; -): banner, standard

kennings

notes

[5, 8] mœtir vébrautar ‘attender of the standard-road [BATTLEFIELD > WARRIOR]’: (a) This interpretation appears less problematic than the alternatives, although the kenning is slightly unusual in that warrior-kennings with mœtir ‘meeter, attender’ as base-word normally use a word for ‘battle’ rather than ‘battlefield’ as the determinant (see Meissner 298). On the interpretation of vébraut as ‘battlefield’, see Note to st. 1/1-4. Several eds add to this kenning tanna lagar ‘of the teeth of the sea [STONES]’, but none gives a credible interpretation of the resulting vébraut tanna lagar. (b) One interpretation takes it to be a sword-kenning ‘holy path of the teeth of the sea [STONE (= whetstone) > SWORD]’ (ÓT 1892, 345; Hkr 1893-1901, IV). (c) In another view it is a kenning for ‘gold’: ‘teeth of the sea [STONES] of the standard-road [SEA > GOLD]’. Here the mœtir ‘enemy’ of ‘gold’ is interpreted as ‘generous ruler’ (Reichardt 1928, 20-1, followed by Faulkes in SnE 1998, I, 214). However, this supposed gold-kenning deviates from the rules of kenning formation in several ways (see Finnur Jónsson 1929b, 135-6). (d) Kock (NN §231) emends lagar tanna to íugtanna ‘of the bear’, combines it with mœtir, and views the resulting ‘confronter of the bear’ as a reference to a youthful adventure of Haraldr hárfagri. However, the emendation itself and the resulting interpretation are improbable. (e) ÍF 26 (followed by Hkr 1991) conjoins mœtir and Nǫkkva, referring to a Nǫkkvi who is named in HHárf (ÍF 26, 103) as a king of Naumdalr (Namdalen) who participates in a rebellion against Haraldr. However, this is highly unlikely because the supposed king is probably an extrapolation from this stanza on Snorri’s part.

vé ‘of the standard’

(not checked:)
2. vé (noun n.; °; -): banner, standard < vébraut (noun f.)2. vé (noun n.; °; -): banner, standard

kennings

notes

[5, 8] mœtir vébrautar ‘attender of the standard-road [BATTLEFIELD > WARRIOR]’: (a) This interpretation appears less problematic than the alternatives, although the kenning is slightly unusual in that warrior-kennings with mœtir ‘meeter, attender’ as base-word normally use a word for ‘battle’ rather than ‘battlefield’ as the determinant (see Meissner 298). On the interpretation of vébraut as ‘battlefield’, see Note to st. 1/1-4. Several eds add to this kenning tanna lagar ‘of the teeth of the sea [STONES]’, but none gives a credible interpretation of the resulting vébraut tanna lagar. (b) One interpretation takes it to be a sword-kenning ‘holy path of the teeth of the sea [STONE (= whetstone) > SWORD]’ (ÓT 1892, 345; Hkr 1893-1901, IV). (c) In another view it is a kenning for ‘gold’: ‘teeth of the sea [STONES] of the standard-road [SEA > GOLD]’. Here the mœtir ‘enemy’ of ‘gold’ is interpreted as ‘generous ruler’ (Reichardt 1928, 20-1, followed by Faulkes in SnE 1998, I, 214). However, this supposed gold-kenning deviates from the rules of kenning formation in several ways (see Finnur Jónsson 1929b, 135-6). (d) Kock (NN §231) emends lagar tanna to íugtanna ‘of the bear’, combines it with mœtir, and views the resulting ‘confronter of the bear’ as a reference to a youthful adventure of Haraldr hárfagri. However, the emendation itself and the resulting interpretation are improbable. (e) ÍF 26 (followed by Hkr 1991) conjoins mœtir and Nǫkkva, referring to a Nǫkkvi who is named in HHárf (ÍF 26, 103) as a king of Naumdalr (Namdalen) who participates in a rebellion against Haraldr. However, this is highly unlikely because the supposed king is probably an extrapolation from this stanza on Snorri’s part.

bratar ‘’

brautar ‘road’

(not checked:)
1. braut (noun f.; °dat. -/-u; -ir): path, way; away < vébraut (noun f.)

[8] ‑brautar: ‘bratar’ R, ‘bratar’ corrected from ‘brautar’ 761aˣ(24v)

kennings

notes

[5, 8] mœtir vébrautar ‘attender of the standard-road [BATTLEFIELD > WARRIOR]’: (a) This interpretation appears less problematic than the alternatives, although the kenning is slightly unusual in that warrior-kennings with mœtir ‘meeter, attender’ as base-word normally use a word for ‘battle’ rather than ‘battlefield’ as the determinant (see Meissner 298). On the interpretation of vébraut as ‘battlefield’, see Note to st. 1/1-4. Several eds add to this kenning tanna lagar ‘of the teeth of the sea [STONES]’, but none gives a credible interpretation of the resulting vébraut tanna lagar. (b) One interpretation takes it to be a sword-kenning ‘holy path of the teeth of the sea [STONE (= whetstone) > SWORD]’ (ÓT 1892, 345; Hkr 1893-1901, IV). (c) In another view it is a kenning for ‘gold’: ‘teeth of the sea [STONES] of the standard-road [SEA > GOLD]’. Here the mœtir ‘enemy’ of ‘gold’ is interpreted as ‘generous ruler’ (Reichardt 1928, 20-1, followed by Faulkes in SnE 1998, I, 214). However, this supposed gold-kenning deviates from the rules of kenning formation in several ways (see Finnur Jónsson 1929b, 135-6). (d) Kock (NN §231) emends lagar tanna to íugtanna ‘of the bear’, combines it with mœtir, and views the resulting ‘confronter of the bear’ as a reference to a youthful adventure of Haraldr hárfagri. However, the emendation itself and the resulting interpretation are improbable. (e) ÍF 26 (followed by Hkr 1991) conjoins mœtir and Nǫkkva, referring to a Nǫkkvi who is named in HHárf (ÍF 26, 103) as a king of Naumdalr (Namdalen) who participates in a rebellion against Haraldr. However, this is highly unlikely because the supposed king is probably an extrapolation from this stanza on Snorri’s part.

brautar ‘road’

(not checked:)
1. braut (noun f.; °dat. -/-u; -ir): path, way; away < vébraut (noun f.)

[8] ‑brautar: ‘bratar’ R, ‘bratar’ corrected from ‘brautar’ 761aˣ(24v)

kennings

notes

[5, 8] mœtir vébrautar ‘attender of the standard-road [BATTLEFIELD > WARRIOR]’: (a) This interpretation appears less problematic than the alternatives, although the kenning is slightly unusual in that warrior-kennings with mœtir ‘meeter, attender’ as base-word normally use a word for ‘battle’ rather than ‘battlefield’ as the determinant (see Meissner 298). On the interpretation of vébraut as ‘battlefield’, see Note to st. 1/1-4. Several eds add to this kenning tanna lagar ‘of the teeth of the sea [STONES]’, but none gives a credible interpretation of the resulting vébraut tanna lagar. (b) One interpretation takes it to be a sword-kenning ‘holy path of the teeth of the sea [STONE (= whetstone) > SWORD]’ (ÓT 1892, 345; Hkr 1893-1901, IV). (c) In another view it is a kenning for ‘gold’: ‘teeth of the sea [STONES] of the standard-road [SEA > GOLD]’. Here the mœtir ‘enemy’ of ‘gold’ is interpreted as ‘generous ruler’ (Reichardt 1928, 20-1, followed by Faulkes in SnE 1998, I, 214). However, this supposed gold-kenning deviates from the rules of kenning formation in several ways (see Finnur Jónsson 1929b, 135-6). (d) Kock (NN §231) emends lagar tanna to íugtanna ‘of the bear’, combines it with mœtir, and views the resulting ‘confronter of the bear’ as a reference to a youthful adventure of Haraldr hárfagri. However, the emendation itself and the resulting interpretation are improbable. (e) ÍF 26 (followed by Hkr 1991) conjoins mœtir and Nǫkkva, referring to a Nǫkkvi who is named in HHárf (ÍF 26, 103) as a king of Naumdalr (Namdalen) who participates in a rebellion against Haraldr. However, this is highly unlikely because the supposed king is probably an extrapolation from this stanza on Snorri’s part.

nǫkkva ‘ships’

(not checked:)
1. nǫkkvi (noun m.; °-a): boat

notes

[6, 8] nǫkkva tanna lagar ‘ships of the teeth of the sea [STONES (steinar ‘colours’)]’: I.e. painted ships. The kenning ‘teeth of the sea’ is interpreted as an ofljóst here; the interpretations given in ÍF 26 and Hkr 1991 are similar though sceptical. Steinn means not only ‘stone’ but also ‘colour (mineral paint)’. Ships may have been painted, as suggested by references to colour, also using the word steinn, in Þfagr Sveinn 3/5, 6-7^II glæsidýr lauks … fagrdrifin steini ‘the splendid beasts of the mast [SHIPS] … beautifully covered with colour’ and Refr Ferðv 3/1, 3-4^III runnit rauðum steini ‘covered with red paint’, in reference to a ship’s bow; while in Hallm Hallkv 9/5^V steinnǫkkva must be not a ‘stone ship’ but a ‘painted ship’. While in the first two examples steini is a dat. with a p. p. (fagrdrifin, runnit, both ‘covered’), the use of stein- in the cpd steinnǫkkva can be regarded as a parallel to the use of tanna lagar as a gen. with adjectival function (cf. NS §135). The use of the pl. tanna ‘teeth’ in the present case may be explained as necessary to fulfil metrical requirements.