Eil Þdr 11^III

Né ‘Nor did’

(not checked:)
né (conj.): nor

djúp ‘the sea’

(not checked:)
djúp (noun n.; °-s; dat. -um): depth, the deep < djúpakarn (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[1, 2] djúpakǫrn dolgs ‘the sea-acorns [STONES] of animosity [HEARTS]’: Hearts are often paraphrased in kennings with the base-word ‘stone’ (Meissner 138). Here, the base-word is replaced by the kenning ‘sea-acorns’ whose referent is ‘stones’. Resorting to tmesis by combining djúp- with ‑rǫst (djúp-rǫst, so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 8, 14) or ‑fall (djúp-fall, so Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 389; Skj B, followed by Davidson 1983, 608) is unnecessary. The determinant of djúpakǫrn is dolgs ‘of animosity’, and just like the determinant ‘valour’ in the heart-kenning steinn þróttar ‘stone of valour’ (l. 8), it refers to an intense feeling (cf. Meissner 138). The present interpretation follows ms. R, in which the first two words of l. 2 are separate. Mss Tˣ and W have what would be the metrically more correct cpd dolgvamms ‘of hostile disgrace’ for this A2k-line (on the filler of this type of line, see Gade 1995a, 119). A cpd like ‘disgrace of animosity’ (Kiil 1956, 129), however, is not a suitable determinant for a heart-kenning that refers to Þórr’s and Þjálfi’s hearts. The cpd dolgvamms could be combined with firar ‘men’, the base-word of the giant-kenning (as in NN §454), but the heart-kenning would then lose its determinant because djúpakǫrn ‘acorns of the deep’ alone cannot be a kenning for ‘hearts’ (NN §454).

djúp ‘the sea’

(not checked:)
djúp (noun n.; °-s; dat. -um): depth, the deep < djúpakarn (noun n.)

kennings

notes

[1, 2] djúpakǫrn dolgs ‘the sea-acorns [STONES] of animosity [HEARTS]’: Hearts are often paraphrased in kennings with the base-word ‘stone’ (Meissner 138). Here, the base-word is replaced by the kenning ‘sea-acorns’ whose referent is ‘stones’. Resorting to tmesis by combining djúp- with ‑rǫst (djúp-rǫst, so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 8, 14) or ‑fall (djúp-fall, so Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 389; Skj B, followed by Davidson 1983, 608) is unnecessary. The determinant of djúpakǫrn is dolgs ‘of animosity’, and just like the determinant ‘valour’ in the heart-kenning steinn þróttar ‘stone of valour’ (l. 8), it refers to an intense feeling (cf. Meissner 138). The present interpretation follows ms. R, in which the first two words of l. 2 are separate. Mss Tˣ and W have what would be the metrically more correct cpd dolgvamms ‘of hostile disgrace’ for this A2k-line (on the filler of this type of line, see Gade 1995a, 119). A cpd like ‘disgrace of animosity’ (Kiil 1956, 129), however, is not a suitable determinant for a heart-kenning that refers to Þórr’s and Þjálfi’s hearts. The cpd dolgvamms could be combined with firar ‘men’, the base-word of the giant-kenning (as in NN §454), but the heart-kenning would then lose its determinant because djúpakǫrn ‘acorns of the deep’ alone cannot be a kenning for ‘hearts’ (NN §454).

akǫrn ‘acorns’

(not checked:)
akarn (noun n.): [acorns, acorn] < djúpakarn (noun n.)

[1] ‑akǫrn drôpu: so Tˣ, W, ‘[…]arn d(rapv)’(?) R

kennings

notes

[1, 2] djúpakǫrn dolgs ‘the sea-acorns [STONES] of animosity [HEARTS]’: Hearts are often paraphrased in kennings with the base-word ‘stone’ (Meissner 138). Here, the base-word is replaced by the kenning ‘sea-acorns’ whose referent is ‘stones’. Resorting to tmesis by combining djúp- with ‑rǫst (djúp-rǫst, so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 8, 14) or ‑fall (djúp-fall, so Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 389; Skj B, followed by Davidson 1983, 608) is unnecessary. The determinant of djúpakǫrn is dolgs ‘of animosity’, and just like the determinant ‘valour’ in the heart-kenning steinn þróttar ‘stone of valour’ (l. 8), it refers to an intense feeling (cf. Meissner 138). The present interpretation follows ms. R, in which the first two words of l. 2 are separate. Mss Tˣ and W have what would be the metrically more correct cpd dolgvamms ‘of hostile disgrace’ for this A2k-line (on the filler of this type of line, see Gade 1995a, 119). A cpd like ‘disgrace of animosity’ (Kiil 1956, 129), however, is not a suitable determinant for a heart-kenning that refers to Þórr’s and Þjálfi’s hearts. The cpd dolgvamms could be combined with firar ‘men’, the base-word of the giant-kenning (as in NN §454), but the heart-kenning would then lose its determinant because djúpakǫrn ‘acorns of the deep’ alone cannot be a kenning for ‘hearts’ (NN §454).

akǫrn ‘acorns’

(not checked:)
akarn (noun n.): [acorns, acorn] < djúpakarn (noun n.)

[1] ‑akǫrn drôpu: so Tˣ, W, ‘[…]arn d(rapv)’(?) R

kennings

notes

[1, 2] djúpakǫrn dolgs ‘the sea-acorns [STONES] of animosity [HEARTS]’: Hearts are often paraphrased in kennings with the base-word ‘stone’ (Meissner 138). Here, the base-word is replaced by the kenning ‘sea-acorns’ whose referent is ‘stones’. Resorting to tmesis by combining djúp- with ‑rǫst (djúp-rǫst, so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 8, 14) or ‑fall (djúp-fall, so Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 389; Skj B, followed by Davidson 1983, 608) is unnecessary. The determinant of djúpakǫrn is dolgs ‘of animosity’, and just like the determinant ‘valour’ in the heart-kenning steinn þróttar ‘stone of valour’ (l. 8), it refers to an intense feeling (cf. Meissner 138). The present interpretation follows ms. R, in which the first two words of l. 2 are separate. Mss Tˣ and W have what would be the metrically more correct cpd dolgvamms ‘of hostile disgrace’ for this A2k-line (on the filler of this type of line, see Gade 1995a, 119). A cpd like ‘disgrace of animosity’ (Kiil 1956, 129), however, is not a suitable determinant for a heart-kenning that refers to Þórr’s and Þjálfi’s hearts. The cpd dolgvamms could be combined with firar ‘men’, the base-word of the giant-kenning (as in NN §454), but the heart-kenning would then lose its determinant because djúpakǫrn ‘acorns of the deep’ alone cannot be a kenning for ‘hearts’ (NN §454).

drôpu ‘falter’

(not checked:)
drepa (verb; °drepr; drap, drápu; drepinn): kill, strike

[1] ‑akǫrn drôpu: so Tˣ, W, ‘[…]arn d(rapv)’(?) R

notes

[1, 4] drôpu stall ‘falter’: The idiomatic expression hjarta drepr stall occurs elsewhere in skaldic verse (see LP: 2. stallr), and it probably means ‘the heart stopped beating’. See Note to Arn Þorfdr 7/5, 8^II, as well as Arn Hryn 12/7-8^II and Sturl Hákkv 38/1, 4^II.

dolgs ‘of animosity’

(not checked:)
dolg (noun n.): battle, enemy

[2] dolgs: dolg Tˣ, W

kennings

notes

[1, 2] djúpakǫrn dolgs ‘the sea-acorns [STONES] of animosity [HEARTS]’: Hearts are often paraphrased in kennings with the base-word ‘stone’ (Meissner 138). Here, the base-word is replaced by the kenning ‘sea-acorns’ whose referent is ‘stones’. Resorting to tmesis by combining djúp- with ‑rǫst (djúp-rǫst, so Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 8, 14) or ‑fall (djúp-fall, so Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 389; Skj B, followed by Davidson 1983, 608) is unnecessary. The determinant of djúpakǫrn is dolgs ‘of animosity’, and just like the determinant ‘valour’ in the heart-kenning steinn þróttar ‘stone of valour’ (l. 8), it refers to an intense feeling (cf. Meissner 138). The present interpretation follows ms. R, in which the first two words of l. 2 are separate. Mss Tˣ and W have what would be the metrically more correct cpd dolgvamms ‘of hostile disgrace’ for this A2k-line (on the filler of this type of line, see Gade 1995a, 119). A cpd like ‘disgrace of animosity’ (Kiil 1956, 129), however, is not a suitable determinant for a heart-kenning that refers to Þórr’s and Þjálfi’s hearts. The cpd dolgvamms could be combined with firar ‘men’, the base-word of the giant-kenning (as in NN §454), but the heart-kenning would then lose its determinant because djúpakǫrn ‘acorns of the deep’ alone cannot be a kenning for ‘hearts’ (NN §454).

vamms ‘of the disgraceful’

(not checked:)
vamm (noun n.; °-s; *-): blemish

[2] vamms: ‘uans’ Tˣ

kennings

notes

[2-3] stríðkviðjǫndum firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘of the attack-prohibitors of the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’: The whole phrase refers to Þórr and Þjálfi, but only firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’ can be regarded as kenning. Stríðkviðjǫndum is a verbal cpd, meaning ‘attack-prohibiting’, the dat. firum is required from ‑kviðja (kviðja e-m e-t), and the object is stríð. Hence, Þórr and Þjálfi are designated as the ones who prevent the giants from launching an attack. Finnur Jónsson’s (LP: stríðkviðjandi) translation of the word as kraftig bekæmper ‘strong fighter’ is incorrect because kviðja is not attested in the meaning ‘fight’; rather, it is a legal term that means ‘prohibit’ (Marold 1990a, 126). However, it must be noted that stríð is not attested in the sense ‘battle, attack’ until later (LP: stríð). Firum ‘men’ depends syntactically on ‑kviðjǫndum ‘prohibiting ones’. Firum is the base-word of a giant-kenning whose determinant is stǫðvar glamma ‘of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS]’. Vamms ‘of the fault’ qualifies firum but is not part of the logical structure of the kenning, therefore it is translated here as an adj. ‘disgraceful’. The whole expression cannot be taken as a kenning, since firum (dat. pl.) depends syntactically on kviðjǫndum and is not, as one would expect for a kenning, a gen.

firum ‘men’

(not checked:)
firar (noun m.): men

kennings

notes

[2-3] stríðkviðjǫndum firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘of the attack-prohibitors of the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’: The whole phrase refers to Þórr and Þjálfi, but only firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’ can be regarded as kenning. Stríðkviðjǫndum is a verbal cpd, meaning ‘attack-prohibiting’, the dat. firum is required from ‑kviðja (kviðja e-m e-t), and the object is stríð. Hence, Þórr and Þjálfi are designated as the ones who prevent the giants from launching an attack. Finnur Jónsson’s (LP: stríðkviðjandi) translation of the word as kraftig bekæmper ‘strong fighter’ is incorrect because kviðja is not attested in the meaning ‘fight’; rather, it is a legal term that means ‘prohibit’ (Marold 1990a, 126). However, it must be noted that stríð is not attested in the sense ‘battle, attack’ until later (LP: stríð). Firum ‘men’ depends syntactically on ‑kviðjǫndum ‘prohibiting ones’. Firum is the base-word of a giant-kenning whose determinant is stǫðvar glamma ‘of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS]’. Vamms ‘of the fault’ qualifies firum but is not part of the logical structure of the kenning, therefore it is translated here as an adj. ‘disgraceful’. The whole expression cannot be taken as a kenning, since firum (dat. pl.) depends syntactically on kviðjǫndum and is not, as one would expect for a kenning, a gen.

glamma ‘of wolves’

(not checked:)
glammi (noun m.): babble

[2] glamma: so W, ‘gl[…]’ R, ‘g\l/amma’ Tˣ

kennings

notes

[2-3] stríðkviðjǫndum firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘of the attack-prohibitors of the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’: The whole phrase refers to Þórr and Þjálfi, but only firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’ can be regarded as kenning. Stríðkviðjǫndum is a verbal cpd, meaning ‘attack-prohibiting’, the dat. firum is required from ‑kviðja (kviðja e-m e-t), and the object is stríð. Hence, Þórr and Þjálfi are designated as the ones who prevent the giants from launching an attack. Finnur Jónsson’s (LP: stríðkviðjandi) translation of the word as kraftig bekæmper ‘strong fighter’ is incorrect because kviðja is not attested in the meaning ‘fight’; rather, it is a legal term that means ‘prohibit’ (Marold 1990a, 126). However, it must be noted that stríð is not attested in the sense ‘battle, attack’ until later (LP: stríð). Firum ‘men’ depends syntactically on ‑kviðjǫndum ‘prohibiting ones’. Firum is the base-word of a giant-kenning whose determinant is stǫðvar glamma ‘of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS]’. Vamms ‘of the fault’ qualifies firum but is not part of the logical structure of the kenning, therefore it is translated here as an adj. ‘disgraceful’. The whole expression cannot be taken as a kenning, since firum (dat. pl.) depends syntactically on kviðjǫndum and is not, as one would expect for a kenning, a gen.

glamma ‘of wolves’

(not checked:)
glammi (noun m.): babble

[2] glamma: so W, ‘gl[…]’ R, ‘g\l/amma’ Tˣ

kennings

notes

[2-3] stríðkviðjǫndum firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘of the attack-prohibitors of the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’: The whole phrase refers to Þórr and Þjálfi, but only firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’ can be regarded as kenning. Stríðkviðjǫndum is a verbal cpd, meaning ‘attack-prohibiting’, the dat. firum is required from ‑kviðja (kviðja e-m e-t), and the object is stríð. Hence, Þórr and Þjálfi are designated as the ones who prevent the giants from launching an attack. Finnur Jónsson’s (LP: stríðkviðjandi) translation of the word as kraftig bekæmper ‘strong fighter’ is incorrect because kviðja is not attested in the meaning ‘fight’; rather, it is a legal term that means ‘prohibit’ (Marold 1990a, 126). However, it must be noted that stríð is not attested in the sense ‘battle, attack’ until later (LP: stríð). Firum ‘men’ depends syntactically on ‑kviðjǫndum ‘prohibiting ones’. Firum is the base-word of a giant-kenning whose determinant is stǫðvar glamma ‘of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS]’. Vamms ‘of the fault’ qualifies firum but is not part of the logical structure of the kenning, therefore it is translated here as an adj. ‘disgraceful’. The whole expression cannot be taken as a kenning, since firum (dat. pl.) depends syntactically on kviðjǫndum and is not, as one would expect for a kenning, a gen.

stríð ‘of the attack’

(not checked:)
2. stríð (noun n.; °-s; -): affliction < stríðkviðjandi (noun m.)

[3] stríðkviðjǫndum: so Tˣ, ‘[…]dvm’ R, ‘st[…]kviðivndvm’ W

notes

[2-3] stríðkviðjǫndum firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘of the attack-prohibitors of the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’: The whole phrase refers to Þórr and Þjálfi, but only firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’ can be regarded as kenning. Stríðkviðjǫndum is a verbal cpd, meaning ‘attack-prohibiting’, the dat. firum is required from ‑kviðja (kviðja e-m e-t), and the object is stríð. Hence, Þórr and Þjálfi are designated as the ones who prevent the giants from launching an attack. Finnur Jónsson’s (LP: stríðkviðjandi) translation of the word as kraftig bekæmper ‘strong fighter’ is incorrect because kviðja is not attested in the meaning ‘fight’; rather, it is a legal term that means ‘prohibit’ (Marold 1990a, 126). However, it must be noted that stríð is not attested in the sense ‘battle, attack’ until later (LP: stríð). Firum ‘men’ depends syntactically on ‑kviðjǫndum ‘prohibiting ones’. Firum is the base-word of a giant-kenning whose determinant is stǫðvar glamma ‘of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS]’. Vamms ‘of the fault’ qualifies firum but is not part of the logical structure of the kenning, therefore it is translated here as an adj. ‘disgraceful’. The whole expression cannot be taken as a kenning, since firum (dat. pl.) depends syntactically on kviðjǫndum and is not, as one would expect for a kenning, a gen.

kviðjǫndum ‘prohibitors’

(not checked:)
kviðjandi (noun m.): [prohibitors] < stríðkviðjandi (noun m.)

[3] stríðkviðjǫndum: so Tˣ, ‘[…]dvm’ R, ‘st[…]kviðivndvm’ W

notes

[2-3] stríðkviðjǫndum firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘of the attack-prohibitors of the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’: The whole phrase refers to Þórr and Þjálfi, but only firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’ can be regarded as kenning. Stríðkviðjǫndum is a verbal cpd, meaning ‘attack-prohibiting’, the dat. firum is required from ‑kviðja (kviðja e-m e-t), and the object is stríð. Hence, Þórr and Þjálfi are designated as the ones who prevent the giants from launching an attack. Finnur Jónsson’s (LP: stríðkviðjandi) translation of the word as kraftig bekæmper ‘strong fighter’ is incorrect because kviðja is not attested in the meaning ‘fight’; rather, it is a legal term that means ‘prohibit’ (Marold 1990a, 126). However, it must be noted that stríð is not attested in the sense ‘battle, attack’ until later (LP: stríð). Firum ‘men’ depends syntactically on ‑kviðjǫndum ‘prohibiting ones’. Firum is the base-word of a giant-kenning whose determinant is stǫðvar glamma ‘of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS]’. Vamms ‘of the fault’ qualifies firum but is not part of the logical structure of the kenning, therefore it is translated here as an adj. ‘disgraceful’. The whole expression cannot be taken as a kenning, since firum (dat. pl.) depends syntactically on kviðjǫndum and is not, as one would expect for a kenning, a gen.

stǫðvar ‘of the place’

(not checked:)
stǫð (noun f.; °; -var): harbour

kennings

notes

[2-3] stríðkviðjǫndum firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘of the attack-prohibitors of the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’: The whole phrase refers to Þórr and Þjálfi, but only firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’ can be regarded as kenning. Stríðkviðjǫndum is a verbal cpd, meaning ‘attack-prohibiting’, the dat. firum is required from ‑kviðja (kviðja e-m e-t), and the object is stríð. Hence, Þórr and Þjálfi are designated as the ones who prevent the giants from launching an attack. Finnur Jónsson’s (LP: stríðkviðjandi) translation of the word as kraftig bekæmper ‘strong fighter’ is incorrect because kviðja is not attested in the meaning ‘fight’; rather, it is a legal term that means ‘prohibit’ (Marold 1990a, 126). However, it must be noted that stríð is not attested in the sense ‘battle, attack’ until later (LP: stríð). Firum ‘men’ depends syntactically on ‑kviðjǫndum ‘prohibiting ones’. Firum is the base-word of a giant-kenning whose determinant is stǫðvar glamma ‘of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS]’. Vamms ‘of the fault’ qualifies firum but is not part of the logical structure of the kenning, therefore it is translated here as an adj. ‘disgraceful’. The whole expression cannot be taken as a kenning, since firum (dat. pl.) depends syntactically on kviðjǫndum and is not, as one would expect for a kenning, a gen.

stǫðvar ‘of the place’

(not checked:)
stǫð (noun f.; °; -var): harbour

kennings

notes

[2-3] stríðkviðjǫndum firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘of the attack-prohibitors of the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’: The whole phrase refers to Þórr and Þjálfi, but only firum vamms stǫðvar glamma ‘the disgraceful men of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS > GIANTS]’ can be regarded as kenning. Stríðkviðjǫndum is a verbal cpd, meaning ‘attack-prohibiting’, the dat. firum is required from ‑kviðja (kviðja e-m e-t), and the object is stríð. Hence, Þórr and Þjálfi are designated as the ones who prevent the giants from launching an attack. Finnur Jónsson’s (LP: stríðkviðjandi) translation of the word as kraftig bekæmper ‘strong fighter’ is incorrect because kviðja is not attested in the meaning ‘fight’; rather, it is a legal term that means ‘prohibit’ (Marold 1990a, 126). However, it must be noted that stríð is not attested in the sense ‘battle, attack’ until later (LP: stríð). Firum ‘men’ depends syntactically on ‑kviðjǫndum ‘prohibiting ones’. Firum is the base-word of a giant-kenning whose determinant is stǫðvar glamma ‘of the place of wolves [MOUNTAINS]’. Vamms ‘of the fault’ qualifies firum but is not part of the logical structure of the kenning, therefore it is translated here as an adj. ‘disgraceful’. The whole expression cannot be taken as a kenning, since firum (dat. pl.) depends syntactically on kviðjǫndum and is not, as one would expect for a kenning, a gen.

stall ‘’

(not checked:)
stallr (noun m.; °-s, dat. -i; -ar): seat, stall, support

notes

[1, 4] drôpu stall ‘falter’: The idiomatic expression hjarta drepr stall occurs elsewhere in skaldic verse (see LP: 2. stallr), and it probably means ‘the heart stopped beating’. See Note to Arn Þorfdr 7/5, 8^II, as well as Arn Hryn 12/7-8^II and Sturl Hákkv 38/1, 4^II.

við ‘when facing’

(not checked:)
2. við (prep.): with, against

rastar ‘of the river’

(not checked:)
2. rǫst (noun f.; °; gen. rasta): current

notes

[4] rastar ‘of the river’: See LP: 2. rǫst.

falli ‘the torrent’

(not checked:)
fall (noun n.; °-s; *-): fall

[4] falli: so W, palli R, Tˣ

Ógn ‘battle’

(not checked:)
ógn (noun f.; °-ar; -ir): terror, battle < ógndjarfr (adj.): terror-bold

djarfan ‘daring’

(not checked:)
djarfr (adj.; °compar. -ari, superl. -astr): bold < ógndjarfr (adj.): terror-bold

hlaut ‘got’

(not checked:)
hljóta (verb): alot, gain

arfi ‘The heir’

(not checked:)
arfi (noun m.; °-a; -ar): heir, heiress

kennings

notes

[5-6] arfi Eiðsfjarðar ‘the heir of Eidsfjorden [= Hákon jarl?]’: All previous attempts to interpret ll. 5-6 are unsatisfactory. The present interpretation, which is also tentative, avoids emendation. The text itself is not difficult to translate: ‘the heir of Eidsfjorden got even more battle-daring courage’. The difficulty lies in identifying who ‘the heir of Eidsfjorden’ might be. In Norway there are several fjords of this name; the arm of Nordfjord, on the border between Sunnmøre and Sogn og Fjordane, could be the one meant here. It is thought to have formed the old border between the two districts (fylki). North of Nordfjord is Stadlandet (ON Staðr), the southern edge of Hákon jarl’s territory (cf. ÓTHkr ch. 17, ÍF 26, 244). If Eidsfjorden did form part of this border, it would justify ‘heir (i.e. ‘owner’) of Eidsfjorden’ as a reference to Hákon jarl (Marold 1990a, 125). Earlier eds have resorted to more or less substantial emendations in their attempts to interpret the kenning: Eiðs firðar hlaut (= hlutu) … ‘the oath-brothers had …’ (Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 8, 15); Atli hlaut … eirfjarðan hug ‘Atli (one of Þórr’s names) had a merciless mind’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 389; Skj B); arfi eirs fjarðar ‘the heir of the ore of the fjord [GOLD > = Loki]’ (NN §455), referring to Loki, who wins the golden treasure from the pike Andvari (Reg 3-4); arfi eirs fjarðar ‘the heir of the fjord of the ore [EARTH = Jǫrð > = Þórr]’ (de Vries 1933, 60-1); arfi eiðs fjarðar ‘the heir of the isthmus of the fjord [EARTH = Jǫrð > = Þórr]’ (Kiil 1956, 131).

Eiðsfjarðar ‘of Eidsfjorden’

(not checked:)
Eiðsfjǫrðr (noun m.)

[6] Eiðsfjarðar: so Tˣ, W, ‘eið[…]’ R

kennings

notes

[5-6] arfi Eiðsfjarðar ‘the heir of Eidsfjorden [= Hákon jarl?]’: All previous attempts to interpret ll. 5-6 are unsatisfactory. The present interpretation, which is also tentative, avoids emendation. The text itself is not difficult to translate: ‘the heir of Eidsfjorden got even more battle-daring courage’. The difficulty lies in identifying who ‘the heir of Eidsfjorden’ might be. In Norway there are several fjords of this name; the arm of Nordfjord, on the border between Sunnmøre and Sogn og Fjordane, could be the one meant here. It is thought to have formed the old border between the two districts (fylki). North of Nordfjord is Stadlandet (ON Staðr), the southern edge of Hákon jarl’s territory (cf. ÓTHkr ch. 17, ÍF 26, 244). If Eidsfjorden did form part of this border, it would justify ‘heir (i.e. ‘owner’) of Eidsfjorden’ as a reference to Hákon jarl (Marold 1990a, 125). Earlier eds have resorted to more or less substantial emendations in their attempts to interpret the kenning: Eiðs firðar hlaut (= hlutu) … ‘the oath-brothers had …’ (Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1851, 8, 15); Atli hlaut … eirfjarðan hug ‘Atli (one of Þórr’s names) had a merciless mind’ (Finnur Jónsson 1900b, 389; Skj B); arfi eirs fjarðar ‘the heir of the ore of the fjord [GOLD > = Loki]’ (NN §455), referring to Loki, who wins the golden treasure from the pike Andvari (Reg 3-4); arfi eirs fjarðar ‘the heir of the fjord of the ore [EARTH = Jǫrð > = Þórr]’ (de Vries 1933, 60-1); arfi eiðs fjarðar ‘the heir of the isthmus of the fjord [EARTH = Jǫrð > = Þórr]’ (Kiil 1956, 131).

hug ‘courage’

(not checked:)
hugr (noun m.): mind, thought, courage

[6] hug: so Tˣ, W, ‘[…]’ R

meira ‘even more’

(not checked:)
meiri (adj. comp.; °meiran; superl. mestr): more, most

skalfa ‘shook’

(not checked:)
1. skjalfa (verb): shake - intrans.

notes

[7] steinn þróttar Þórs né Þjalfa skalfa ‘the stone of valour [HEART] of neither Þórr nor Þjálfi shook’: Skalfa consists of skalf (3rd pers. sg. pret. indic. of skjálfa ‘shake’) and the negation -a. Né is the replication of the negation before Þjalfa (rather than the positive ok ‘and’).

Þórs ‘of neither Þórr’

(not checked:)
Þórr (noun m.): Thor; giant, ogre, monster

[7] Þórs: corrected from ‘þiors’ W

notes

[7] steinn þróttar Þórs né Þjalfa skalfa ‘the stone of valour [HEART] of neither Þórr nor Þjálfi shook’: Skalfa consists of skalf (3rd pers. sg. pret. indic. of skjálfa ‘shake’) and the negation -a. Né is the replication of the negation before Þjalfa (rather than the positive ok ‘and’).

né ‘nor’

(not checked:)
né (conj.): nor

notes

[7] steinn þróttar Þórs né Þjalfa skalfa ‘the stone of valour [HEART] of neither Þórr nor Þjálfi shook’: Skalfa consists of skalf (3rd pers. sg. pret. indic. of skjálfa ‘shake’) and the negation -a. Né is the replication of the negation before Þjalfa (rather than the positive ok ‘and’).

Þjalfa ‘Þjálfi’

(not checked:)
þjalfi (noun m.): Þjálfi, enclosure

notes

[7] steinn þróttar Þórs né Þjalfa skalfa ‘the stone of valour [HEART] of neither Þórr nor Þjálfi shook’: Skalfa consists of skalf (3rd pers. sg. pret. indic. of skjálfa ‘shake’) and the negation -a. Né is the replication of the negation before Þjalfa (rather than the positive ok ‘and’).

þróttar ‘of valour’

(not checked:)
þróttr (noun m.): strength, might, valour

kennings

notes

[7] steinn þróttar Þórs né Þjalfa skalfa ‘the stone of valour [HEART] of neither Þórr nor Þjálfi shook’: Skalfa consists of skalf (3rd pers. sg. pret. indic. of skjálfa ‘shake’) and the negation -a. Né is the replication of the negation before Þjalfa (rather than the positive ok ‘and’). — [8] steinn þróttar ‘the stone of valour [HEART]’: This heart-kenning corresponds once more to the kenning pattern ‘stone of courage, belligerence’ (see Meissner 138 and Note to ll. 1, 2 above).

þróttar ‘of valour’

(not checked:)
þróttr (noun m.): strength, might, valour

kennings

notes

[7] steinn þróttar Þórs né Þjalfa skalfa ‘the stone of valour [HEART] of neither Þórr nor Þjálfi shook’: Skalfa consists of skalf (3rd pers. sg. pret. indic. of skjálfa ‘shake’) and the negation -a. Né is the replication of the negation before Þjalfa (rather than the positive ok ‘and’). — [8] steinn þróttar ‘the stone of valour [HEART]’: This heart-kenning corresponds once more to the kenning pattern ‘stone of courage, belligerence’ (see Meissner 138 and Note to ll. 1, 2 above).

steinn ‘the stone’

(not checked:)
steinn (noun m.; °steins; steinar): stone, colour

kennings

notes

[7] steinn þróttar Þórs né Þjalfa skalfa ‘the stone of valour [HEART] of neither Þórr nor Þjálfi shook’: Skalfa consists of skalf (3rd pers. sg. pret. indic. of skjálfa ‘shake’) and the negation -a. Né is the replication of the negation before Þjalfa (rather than the positive ok ‘and’). — [8] steinn þróttar ‘the stone of valour [HEART]’: This heart-kenning corresponds once more to the kenning pattern ‘stone of courage, belligerence’ (see Meissner 138 and Note to ll. 1, 2 above).

steinn ‘the stone’

(not checked:)
steinn (noun m.; °steins; steinar): stone, colour

kennings

notes

[7] steinn þróttar Þórs né Þjalfa skalfa ‘the stone of valour [HEART] of neither Þórr nor Þjálfi shook’: Skalfa consists of skalf (3rd pers. sg. pret. indic. of skjálfa ‘shake’) and the negation -a. Né is the replication of the negation before Þjalfa (rather than the positive ok ‘and’). — [8] steinn þróttar ‘the stone of valour [HEART]’: This heart-kenning corresponds once more to the kenning pattern ‘stone of courage, belligerence’ (see Meissner 138 and Note to ll. 1, 2 above).

við ‘with’

(not checked:)
2. við (prep.): with, against

ótta ‘fear’

(not checked:)
ótti (noun m.; °-a): fear