[All]: The helmingr is very close to Snorri’s prose wording in Gylf (SnE 2005, 44): En er ormrinn kendi þess, brá hann við svá hart at báðir hnefar Þórs skullu út á borðinu ‘But when the serpent felt this [the fish-hook], he struggled so hard against it that both Þórr’s fists banged out on the gunwale’. Nevertheless, the syntax of the helmingr is problematic and has been variously interpreted. Both Skj B and Skald (cf. NN §421) adopt Konráð Gíslason’s original suggestion (so Skj AI, 140 n.) to emend renndi (l. 2, 3rd pers. sg. pret. subj. after svá … at) to renndu, 3rd pers. pl. pret. indic. of renna ‘cause to move, run’. This allows sýjur ‘rivetted planks’ (l. 1) to be taken as the subject of an independent clause breiðar sýjur renndu fram ‘the broad rivetted planks shot forward’ (ll. 1, 2), whereas this edn (following SnE 1998, I, 164) takes seiðr jarðar ‘the saithe of the earth’ as the subject of a subordinate clause, dependent on the main clause svá brá viðr ‘so it came about’ (l. 1). This arrangement has the merit of avoiding Skj B’s extremely fragmented word order but the possible disadvantage that renna must be understood without clear precedent as taking an acc. object (breiðar sýjur ‘broad rivetted planks’), when it usually takes a dat. As Faulkes observes (SnE 1998, I, 164-5), although renna sometimes has an acc. object, this usage is normally reserved for the sense of pouring liquids (Fritzner: renna v. [nd] 3, 8).